THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


CONDITIONS  OF  WOMEN'S  LABOR 
IN  LOUISIANA 


NEW  ORLEANS  AND  LOUISIANA 
INDUSTRIAL  SURVEY 


"%:nt  §£? 


REPORT   BY 
Women  in  Industry  Committee 

Council  of  National  Defense 

New  Orleans  Division 

and 

Louisiana  State  Division 


NEW    ORLEANS 
19  19 


Additional  cofiies  of  this  publication  may  be  procured 

from  F.  E.   Wood,  State  Commissioner  of  Labor, 

626  Audubon  Building,  New  Orleans,  La. 

Postage  jr  cents  per  copy. 


WOMEN  IN  INDUSTRY  COMMITTEE 


Mrs.  Walter  E.  Garrey 

City  Chairman 


Mrs.  Joseph  E.  Friend 

State  Chairman 


Mrs.  Henry  Alcus 
Mrs.  Meigs  O.  Frost 
Mrs.  Bessie  Behan  Lewis 
Mrs.  Leon  Pfeifer 
Mrs.  Edward  Wisner 


Janet  R.  Huntington 

Director  of  Investigation 


New  Orleans 
1919 


X 

00 


FOREWORD 

The  Women  in  Industry  Committee,  Council  of  National 
Defense,  New  Orleans  Division,  started  its  work  as  a  volunteer 
organization  with  the  sole  purpose  of  patriotic  service.  It  con- 
fined its  activities  during  the  war  to  assisting  in  adjusting  labor 
conditions  of  women  in  the  community,  by  conducting  an  Employ- 
ment Bureau.  The  Bureau  was  operated  under  the  personal 
direction  of  the  present  chairman,  Mrs.  Walter  E.  Garrey,  assisted 
by  volunteer  members  of  the  committee  and  other  workers  whose 
services  have  been  acknowledged  elsewhere.    • 

The  endeavors  at  adjustment  of  labor  to  employment  demanded 
an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  labor  situation  as  to  hours,  wages, 
and  working  conditions.  No  comprehensive  report  of  these  con- 
ditions was  available,  hence,  surveys  were  necessary,  and  many 
£j  industries  were  personally  investigated  by  members  of  the  bureau's 
staff  who  confined  their  efforts  to  gathering  data   imperatively 

£3    needed  to  meet  the  war  emergency. 

- 

—  The  information  obtained  could  not  be  statistical  or  exhaustive 

owing  to  the  tax  upon  the  time  and  energy  of  those  directing  the 

work  of  the  bureau.     So  many  questions  arose  concerning  the 

5»    betterment  of  the  mutual  relations  of  the  employer  and  employe 

tf>    which  could  only  be  approached  with  a  fuller  knowledge  of  the 

g    existing  conditions,  that  it  seemed  fitting  that    the   committee 

should  consumate  and  conclude  its  work  by  conducting  a  complete 

statistical  survey  which  would  give  needed  data  on  which  to  base 

,    future  judgments  and  activities. 

It  was  deemed  wise  to  extend  the  survey  to  include  the  State 
o    of  Louisiana  as  well  as  the  City  of  New  Orleans  and  this  part  of 
i    the  work  was  undertaken  with  the  cooperation  of  Mrs.  Joseph  E. 
!    Friend,  State  Chairman  of  Women  in  Industry. 

The  special  and  intricate  character  of  the  work  made  it  nec- 
essary to  employ  a  director  of  investigation  trained  to  gather  and 
compile  data  of  the  nature  desired.  The  credit  for  the  compre- 
hensiveness of  the  survey,  as  well  as  the  entire  responsibility  for 
the  accuracy  of  the  data  and  for  form  of  the  report  rests  with  the 
director  of  investigation,  Mrs.  Janet  R.  Huntington,  and  her 
survey  staff. 

448988 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introduction — - 7 

Section  One.         Summary  and  Conclusions 14 

Section  Two.        Wages  and  Cost  of  Living. 27 

Section  Three.     Hours  and  Industrial  Fatigue.. 65 

Section  Four.       Welfare  Activities 89 

Section  Five.        Safety  in  Women's  Work 105 

Section  Six.         Labor  Turnover 116 

Section  Seven.     Special  Groups 127 

Appendix - 138 


INTRODUCTION. 

The  New  Orleans  and  Louisiana  Industrial  Survey  was  un- 
dertaken in  December,  1918,  under  the  direction  of  the  Women 
in  Industry  Committee  of  the  Women's  Division  of  the  Council 
of  National  Defense.  Its  objects  were  to  discover  the  facts 
concerning  women's  labor,  and  to  determine  the  meaning  of 
these  facts  in  needed  reorganization  or  readjustment. 

A  few  general  statements  bearing  on  the  work  of  this  survey 
should  be  made  here. 

A  Problem  of  the  White  Worker. 

It  may  surprise  the  person  unacquainted  with  Louisiana 
industry,  even  tho  a  resident  of  the  city  or  state,  to  discover 
that  the  industrial  problem  is  concerned  almost  entirely  with 
white  workers.  At  least  85  per  cent  of  the  women  workers  in 
this  city  (excluding  domestics  in  homes)  are  white.  Colored 
workers  are  found  most  frequently  in  laundries,  the  kitchens 
of  hotels  and  restaurants,  and  a  few  miscellaneous  shops  such 
as  nut  and  cotton  pickeries.  Even  in  these  industries,  however, 
they  are  generally  outnumbered  by  the  white  workers. 

Scope  of  Survey. 

The  New  Orleans  and  Louisiana  Industrial  Survey  was  de- 
fined in  its  scope  to  form  a  comprehensive  study  of  the  woman 
in  her  work.  No  attempt  was  made  to  study  (1)  child  labor, 
(2)  domestic  service  in  homes  or  boarding  houses,  (3)  housing 
conditions,  (4)  home  employment  ("sweat  shop"),  or  (5)  the 
social  evil  among  workers. 

The  labor  of  minors  has  entered  into  the  study  in  that  girls 
of  14  to  18  were  interviewed  along  with  older  workers,  no 
special  effort  being  made  to  study  these  more  intensively.  The 
social  evil  may  have  entered  into  the  discussion  of  budgets 
(see  page  41),  but  no  attempt  to  define  its  extent  or  character 
has  been  made. 

These  topics  were  omitted,  some  because  they  seemed  out- 
side the  functions  of  the  Women  in  Industry  Committee  and 
others  because  it  was  felt  that  the  laws  at  present  were  ade- 

7 


quate  to  insure  good  practice,  and  any  study  would  be  merely 
a  check  on  the  enforcement  of  the  laws. 

Proportion  of  State  Covered. 

Within  New  Orleans  data  were  gathered  from  shops  em- 
ploying an  aggregate  of  11,383  workers.  The  1918  report  of 
the  factory  inspector  gives  13,536  as  the  total  number  of  women 
employed  in  the  city.  A  few  department  stores  were  omitted 
after  a  representative  proportion  had  been  studied,  and  a  few 
employers  refused  to  give  information.  It  is  felt,  however,  that 
the  survey,  covering,  as  it  does,  the  great  majority  of  employed 
women,  is  to  be  considered  fairly  representative. 

Outside  New  Orleans  1,805  employes  were  included.  While 
there  is  no  exact  information  on  the  total  number  employed  in 
Louisiana  outside  of  New  Orleans,  it  is  probable  that  the  show- 
ing here,  too,  is  complete  enough  to  be  representative.  Sixteen 
cities  and  villages  were  visited — Baton  Rouge,  Alexandria, 
Monroe,  Shreveport,  Lake  Charles,  Sulphur,  Lafayette,  New 
Iberia,  Crowley,  Addis,  Westwego,  Chalmette,  Harvey,  Gretna, 
Algiers  and  Marrero. 

The  survey,  in  addition  to  securing  facts  concerning  all 
women  in  a  given  shop,  interviewed  a  representative  propor- 
tion of  employes  to  secure  additional  facts  not  available  in  the 
firm's  office.  This  field  study  includes  4,366  New  Orleans 
working  women  and  836  outside  New  Orleans,  or  slightly  less 
than  half  the  total  number  for  which  facts  were  gathered. 

As  not  all  cards,  whether  for  shop  or  individual,  included 
every  piece  of  information  requested,  the  totals  in  some  of  the 
chapters  may  be  lower  than  those  given  here. 

In  addition  to  these  two  general  field  studies,  special  stu- 
dies were  made  of  fatigue,  accidents,  climate  in  its  effect  on 
production,  causes  for  the  shifting  of  labor,  etc.  These  special 
studies  are  discussed  in  the  various  chapters  of  this  report. 

Forms  and  Methods. 

It  is  not  profitable  to  use  space  to  describe  in  detail  the 
procedure  followed  in  making  the  survey.  The  forms  used  are 
reproduced  in  the  appendix.  Field  workers  were  instructed  to 
make  no  attempt  to  interview  a  worker  unwilling  to  give  the 


information  desired,  or,  thru  the  expression  of  personal  opinion, 
to  influence  the  kind  of  information  given. 

In  special  studies  it  was  the  attempt  to  isolate  the  particular 
subject  of  study  from  all  other  factors.  Thus,  in  a  study  of 
climate  and  production,  it  was  necessary  to  allow  for  seasonal 
differences  in  type  of  material  used,  in  the  extent  of  "rush" 
in  production,  etc.  Every  effort  was  made  to  make  each  study, 
general  or  special,  scientific  and  accurate  in  every  detail. 

Cooperation  Found. 

Except  in  a  very  few  instances,  employers  and  employes 
were  found  willing  to  supply  the  survey  with  the  required  data. 
Chas.  A.  Kaufman  Co.,  Ltd.,  department  store,  and  a  few  cloth- 
ing manufacturers,  notably  Haspel  Bros.,  Hirsch-Baar,  Kauf- 
man &  Monacher,  Arthur  A.  Katten,  Scherr  Manufacturing 
Co.  and  Famous  Manufacturing  Co.,  refused  information.  Also 
Werkes  Curled  Hair  Store,  Mack's  Trunk  Co.,  Hitchler's  Stu- 
dio, National  Clothing  Co.  and  the  Novelty  Shop  (ready-made 
clothing). 

Outside  New  Orleans  the  only  instances  of  lack  of  coopera- 
tion were  The  Bargain  Store,  a  department  store,  in  New 
Iberia;  Philip's  Shoe  Store  and  Allen  Garter's  Jewelry  Store, 
in  Shreveport;  D.  P.  Egan's  General  Merchandise  Store  in 
Crowley,  and  M.  Heymann,  department  store,  in  Lafayette. 

In  a  few  other  instances  employers  refused  to  give  out  wage 
information.  In  the  wage  study,  therefore,  10,556  New  Orleans 
workers  and  1,755  from  the  rest  of  the  state  are  included. 

Classification  of  Workers. 

In  analyzing  the  data  gathered,  records  were  grouped  by 
industries,  and  within  these  industries  by  occupations  follow- 
ing the  U.  S.  Census  classification.  A  list  of  industries  studied, 
together  with  an  explanation  of  all  terms  which  might  require 
it,  follows: 

A.  Bag  Manufacturing. 

B.  Banks   and   Agencies,   including   banks,   sales   offices,   real 

estate,  brokers,  insurance,  etc. 

C.  Can  Manufacturing ;  does  not  include  canning. 

D.  Candy  Manufacturing;  includes  no  strictly  retail  stores. 

E.  Cigars  and  Tobacco ;  manufacturing  only. 


F.  Clothing  Manufacturing. 

G.  Cotton  Mills  ;  includes  cotton  pickeries. 

H.  Domestic  and  Personal  Service ;  includes   beauty  parlors, 
barbers  and  cleaning  and  dyeing. 

I.    Department  Stores. 

J.  Food  Manufacturing;  bakeries,  biscuit  makers,  nut  picker- 
ies, canneries,  coffee  roasting,  etc. 

K.  Hotels. 

L.  Laundries. 

M.  Manufacturing  and  Mechanical ;  cork  manufacturing,  broom 
manufacturing,  box  manufacturing,  crockery  works,  etc. 

X.  Mines.     One  sulphur  mine  inspected;  women  work  only  in 
office  and  restaurant. 

N.  Printing  and  Publishing. 

0.  Professional   Service ;   doctors,   lawyers,   theaters,   account- 
ants, etc. 

P.  Restaurants. 

Q.  Trade,    Miscellaneous ;   millinery,    candy    stores,    groceries ; 
also  drug  stores,  florists,  etc. 

R.  Transportation ;  mainly  telephone  and  telegraph  companies ; 
also  railroad  and  navigation  offices. 
In  each  industry  it  was  the  aim  to  secure  a  representative 

showing.     The  following  table  shows  numbers  of  employes  in 

each  for  whom  data  were  secured : 


Total  Firms 

Total  Employes 

Louisiana  Outside 

INDUSTRY. 

Inspected. 

Studied. 

New  Orleans. 

New  Orleans. 

Total 

380 

13,188 

11,383 

1,805 

A 

6 

359 

359 

B 

42 

332 

230 

102 

C 

o 

340 

340 

D 

6 

448 

448 

E 

7 

1,634 

1,634 

F 

15 

574 

541 

33 

G 

6 

1,262 

1,262 

H 

5 

27 

27 

I 

48 

2,639 

2,061 

578 

J 

31 

1,149 

897 

252 

K 

20 

993 

804 

189 

L 

16 

827 

618 

209 

M 

24 

525 

391 

134 

X 

1 

26 

26 

N 

9 

110 

110 

0 

29 

102 

79 

23 

P 

22 

263 

242 

21 

Q 

79 

483 

394 

89 

R 

12 

1,095 

946 

149 

10 


Aii  industry  may  include  a  number  of  occupations.  Six 
occupation  classifications  have  been  made — manufacturing  and 
mechanical,  transportation,  trade,  professional  service,  domes- 
tic and  personal  service,  and  clerical.  These  occuptions  might 
all  be  included  in,  for  example,  a  cotton  mill,  in  the  following 
way: 

1.  Manufacturing  and  Mechanical :  Machine  operator. 

2.  Transportation :   Telephone  operator. 

3.  Trade :   Sales  girl  in  company  store. 

4.  Professional  Service :  Welfare  worker. 

5.  Domestic  and  Personal  Service :  Cleaners,  cooks,  etc. 

6.  Clerical :  Office  force. 

It  must  be  emphasized  that  the  "domestic  and  personal  serv- 
ice" classification  does  not  in  this  survey  include  any  workers 
in  homes,  but  includes  workers  in  allied  occupations  (cleaning, 
cooking,  laundering)  in  shops.  No  attempt  whatever  was  made 
to  study  domestic  and  personal  service  within  homes  or  private 
boarding  houses. 

A  cross  classification  of  occupations  was  made,  because 
standards  in  the  same  shop  for  various  industries  are  often 
quite  different.  Clerical  workers,  for  example,  frequently  have 
hours,  wages  and  other  conditions  quite  different  from  the 
operators,  sales  girls  or  cleaning  women  in  the  same  estab- 
lishment. 

Standards  for  Judging  Data. 

Few  complete  surveys  of  women  in  industry  have  been  made 
in  the  Southern  states.  Comparison  with  Northern  standards 
presents  objections  because  of  the  different  conditions  which 
exist  in  the  South. 

Where  comparison  with  past  studies  made  in  Louisiana  or 
elsewhere  seemed  profitable  or  significant,  it  has  been  made. 
For  the  most  part,  however,  Louisiana  facts  have  been  com- 
pared with  Louisiana  needs  and  conditions,  as  this  has  seemed 
the  fairest  method. 

Thruout  the  attitude  has  been  held  that  it  was  the  func- 
tion of  the  survey,  not  only  to  find  out  what  conditions  exist, 
but  to  suggest  means  for  their  improvement  by  individuals, 
organizations,  or  the  general  public.  It  has  not  seemed  ade- 
quate merely  to  report  on  facts.    The  essential  factor  of  "what 


can  be  done  about  it?"  must  also  be  discussed.  For  example, 
a  number  of  employers  asked  survey  representatives  to  make 
suggestions  for  the  welfare  activities  which  they  desired  to 
install  in  their  shops. 

So  many  such  requests  were  received  that  it  was  decided 
to  make  the  welfare  section  of  the  report  an  outline  manual 
for  employers  to  use  in  working  out  their  own  welfare  systems. 
This,  it  is  plain,  is  much  more  constructive  than  a  mere  report 
on  welfare  activities,  present  or  omitted,  in  individual  shops 
or  industries. 

Few  Tables  Used. 

To  work  out  this  same  principle  of  usefulness,  few  detailed 
tables  have  been  used  in  this  report.  The  analysis  of  the  data 
made  necessary  the  compilation  of  numerous  large  charts  and 
tables.  These  have  been  boiled  down  and  digested,  and  appear 
in  this  report  largely  in  the  form  of  percentages  and  total 
figures. 

It  is  hoped  that  all  the  salient  figures  have  been  given.  If 
not,  all  detail  charts  are  available  for  study  by  individuals  at 
the  office  of  the  State  Commissioner  of  Labor,  626  Audubon 
Building,  New  Orleans,  with  whom  all  survey  material  has 
been  deposited. 

Thanks  for  Cooperation. 

The  Women  in  Industry  Committee  wishes  to  extend  its 
sincere  thanks  to  its  first  chairman,  Mrs.  Gayle  Aiken,  Jr., 
under  whose  direction  the  New  Orleans  and  Louisiana  Indus- 
trial Survey  was  begun;  to  Mayor  Martin  Behrman  and  Gov- 
ernor R.  G.  Pleasant,  whose  interest  made  the  survey  financially 
possible  thru  the  securing  of  funds  from  the  City  of  New 
Orleans  and  the  Louisiana  State  Council  of  Defense;  to  Mrs. 
Martha  Gould,  city  factories  inspector;  and  F.  E.  Wood,  State 
Commissioner  of  Labor ;  for  invaluable  advice  and  cooperation ; 
and  for  friendly  interest  and  assistance,  to  a  host  of  individuals 
and  organizations,  including  particularly  the  members  of  its 
advisory  board,  Governor  R.  G.  Pleasant,  Mayor  Martin  Behr- 
man, Morton  A.  Aldrich,  Wilbert  Black,  A.  J.  Boylan,  Dr. 
Oscar  Dowling,  F.  W.  Evans,   Charles  Payne  Fenner,  John 

12 


Fletcher,  Mrs.  Martha  Gould,  Albert  Kraemer,  W.  Loeber 
Landau,  Miss  Eleanor  McMain,  and  Commissioner  F.  E.  Wood. 
The  committee  wishes  also  to  express  appreciation  of  the 
splendid  work  done  by  the  survey  staff,  which  included  Miss 
Lyda  Belden,  Miss  Dorothe  Johnson,  Miss  Mary  Kearney,  Mrs. 
Ada  Weiner  and  Miss  Lulie  Westfeldt.  This  work  was  directed 
and  the  report  compiled  by  Mrs.  Janet  R.  Huntington,  to  whom 
also  the  committee  wishes  to  extend  thanks. 

COMMITTEE  OF  WOMEN  IN  INDUSTRY, 

Mrs.  Joseph  Friend,  State  Chairman, 

Mrs.  Walter  E.  Garrey,  City  Chairman, 

Mrs.  Leon  Pfeifer, 

Mrs.  Meigs  0.  Frost, 

Mrs.  Henry  Alcus, 

Mrs.  Bessie  Behan  Lewis, 

Mrs.  Edward  Wisner. 

New  Orleans,  April,  1919. 


SECTION  ONE. 


SUMMARY  AND  CONCLUSIONS. 
I. 

The  working  woman  is  no  new  phenomenon.  Women  have 
worked  since  the  beginning  of  time.  But  it  is  comparatively 
recently  that  women  have  entered  commercial  industry  in 
large  numbers. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  the  woman  in  industry  stood  at 
first  for  cheap  labor,  in  every  sense  of  the  word.  She  was  un- 
skilled. She  was  apt  to  be  willing  to  work  for  any  wage,  how- 
ever low.  She  lacked  completely  that  education  in  work,  and 
that  sense  of  solidarity,  which  has  made  masculine  labor  a 
power  capable  of  moulding  its  own  conditions. 

So  women  got  the  sweepings  and  the  leavings  of  the  in- 
dustrial world.  They  were  put  in  to  break  strikes ;  they  were 
given  wages  half  what  men  would  demand  and  receive;  they 
were  forced  to  work  long  hours,  under  conditions  much  worse 
than  men  would  endure. 

Finally  there  was  a  gradual  awakening.  The  employer 
awoke  to  the  value  of  women's  labor,  and  the  desirability  of 
better  working  conditions.  The  public  awoke  to  the  necessity 
of  conserving  the  health  and  strength  of  its  working  women, 
many  of  whom  were  to  be  the  mothers  of  the  future.  And  the 
women  themselves  began  to  demand  better  pay,  shorter  hours, 
sanitation,  etc. 

"Working  men,  it  is  said,  often  viewed  such  restrictions  with 
satisfaction,  as  removing  women  somewhat  from  the  field  of 
direct  competition.  In  reality,  however,  the  low  standards  of 
women's  labor  had  tended  to  lower  standards  for  men  as  well. 

Before  the  world  war  the  entrance  of  women  into  industry 
was  fairly  complete.  The  long  struggle  to  raise  wages,  lower 
hours,  and  better  Avorking  conditions,  had  made  much  head- 
way. Investigations  had  been  undertaken,  laws  passed,  orders 
issued.  Unionization  of  women  had  advanced,  and  many  of 
the  unions  showed  a  progressive  and  sane  spirit  in  their  .de- 
mands. Women  workers  were  being  educated  rapidly  to  a 
footing  as  individuals  in  the  industrial  world,  on  a  plane  not 

14 


so  far  beneath  that  of  men.  And  yet  wages  remained  low  and 
the  type  of  work  performed  the  least  skilled  and  the  least  at- 
tractive. 

The  Effect  of  the  War. 

Then  came  the  war.  Industry  was  suddenly  confronted 
with  a  totally  new  situation.  Workers,  any  workers,  were  in 
demand.  Men  were  being  drafted  by  thousands.  Contracts 
called  for  doubled  or  tripled  production. 

Women  the  country  over  stepped  into  the  breach.  They 
proved  themselves  equal  to  men  at  men's  jobs.  They  proved 
it  to  the  satisfaction  of  employers*  and  the  public. 

Wages  went  up,  as  did  also  prices,  but  in  general  the  in- 
crease in  wages  was  real, — that  is,  more  than  enough  to  com- 
pensate for  price  advances.  Standards  in  hours  and  "welfare" 
did  not  advance,  but  as  these  have  been  the  strong  points  of 
pre-war  progress,  it  was  perhaps  as  well  that  wages  should 
have  been  the  main  war  profit  to  women  in  industry. 

Since  the  close  of  the  war,  the  bottom  has  dropped  out  of 
the  labor  market.  Unemployment,  particularly  among  men, 
has  been  widespread.  War  industries  have  disappeared  and 
with  them  the  highest  class  of  wages  paid  during  the  war. 
There  is  as  yet  not  much  evidence  of  falling  wages;  but  un- 
questionably industrial  unrest  is  spreading,  and  the  curtail- 
ment of  production  means  a  grave  problem  for  labor  every- 
where. 

The  south  in  general,  not  being  highly  developed  in  manu- 
facturing, has  been  outside  the  main  current  of  these  changes. 
And  yet  in  New  Orleans  alone,  the  past  five  years  have  meant  a 
66  per  cent  increase  in  the  number  of  women  employed.  For 
every  three  women  working  outside  the  home  in  1913,  there 
were  five  in  1918. 

Few  distinctively  war  industries  developed  in  the  South. 
Most  of  the  work  was  in  the  production  of  food  and  clothing 
necessities,  the  market  for  which  would  survive  the  war  period. 

For  this  reason  women  were  not  called  to  take  men's  places 
in  the  South  to  as  great  an  extent  as  elsewhere.     And  after 


*See   Bulletin,   The    Wartime   Employment   of   Women    in   the   Metal    Trades,    Na- 
tional  Industrial    Conference   Board,    1918. 

15 


the  war  there  was  not  the  disorganization  of  industry  which 
was  found  in  other  sections. 

Ordinarily,  women  in  men's  jobs  made  good.  And  where 
their  work  proved  itself  satisfactory,  they  were  retained  after 
the  war  in  the  same  job.  The  expansion  of  industry  and  the 
discharge  of  incompetents,  frequently  made  it  possible  for  em- 
ployers to  hire  returned  soldiers  as  well. 

It  is  to  the  credit  of  Louisiana  employers  that  wages  for 
women  taking  men's  places  were  in  general  what  the  men's 
had  been,  so  that  wage  standards  were  not  lowered  by  the 
change. 

Knowledge  of  Facts  Necessary. 

And  yet  the  very  influx  of  women  workers,  the  very  expan- 
sion of  business,  aroused  the  public  to  a  desire  to  understand 
the  conditions  of  women  in  industry  and  to  better  these  condi- 
tions where  possible. 

Few  if  any  thoro  surveys  of  women's  work  had  been  made 
in  the  South.  Few  individuals  had  any  accurate  knowledge 
of  the  facts  concerning  women's  employment.  To  better  con- 
ditions, it  was  vital  to  know  what  conditions  were. 

Moreover,  there  was  and  is  a  real  danger  that  standards 
may  fall  as  war  time  pressure  relaxes.  As  the  supply  of  labor 
again  comes  to  exceed  the  demand,  it  is  less  necessary  for  em- 
ployers to  put  forth  any  effort  to  make  their  shops  attractive 
to  employes.  As  industry  struggles  back  to  a  peace  footing, 
there  is  the  chance  that  the  woman  worker  may  fail  to  hold 
the  ground  she  has  won. 

And  surely  it  is  fitting  that  the  workers,  who  have  made 
their  sacrifices  and  done  their  part  in  helping  the  nation  to 
victory,  should  be  given  special  consideration  at  this  time. 

Tf  any  manifest  wrongs  yet  remain,  patriotism  and  grati- 
tude alike  called  for  their  righting.  All  these  reasons  are  be- 
hind the  present  survey.  It  was  believed  that  only  good  could 
result  from  a  determination  of  the  facts  concerning  the  employ- 
ment of  women. 

Analysis  of  Facts. 

Six  major  divisions  include  all  the  facts  gathered  by  the 
survey;  these  are  wages,  hours,  "welfare",  safety,  turnover, 


and  the  special  groups  of  minors  and  working  mothers.  Sug- 
gestions for  further  progress  will  be  made  in  connection  with 
each  of  these  chapters. 

But  there  are  certain  general  recommendations,  cutting 
across  the  entire  study,  which  should  be  made.  These  are  the 
general  provisions  which  should  have  a  beneficial  effect  on  in- 
dustrial problems  of  whatever  nature.  To  avoid  too  much 
repetition,  they  will  be  considered  in  detail  in  this  chapter 
only. 

The  Shop  Committee. 

First  in  importance  comes  the  need  of  establishing  confi- 
dence and  good  relations  between  the  employer  and  employed. 
If  there  is  frankness  and  fair  dealing  on  both  sides,  most  indus- 
trial troubles  can  be  avoided. 

Moreover,  the  potentialities  of  employes  have  never  been 
fully  developed  in  most  shops.  Workers  are  seldom  encour- 
aged to  play  the  part  which  their  experience  might  make  pos- 
sible. 

In  a  large  watch  factory,  for  example,  where  the  machin- 
ery used  is  delicate  and  complicated,  most  of  the  improvements 
and  inventions  come  from  the  workmen.  The  company  main- 
tains machine  shops  where  inventions  are  worked  out,  and 
makes  known  that  men  will  be  paid  for  new  ideas  and  improve- 
ments. 

In  the  coal  mines  there  are  shop  committees,  of  workmen 
and  company  officials,  who  confer  concerning  the  routine  of 
work  and  the  shop  administration,  and  who  are  given  power 
to  carry  out  their  system  of  management.  These  workers  also 
act  as  spokesmen  for  the  employes,  who  are  thus  assured  of 
direct  access  to  the  management. 

Such  activities  lead  the  employe  to  look  upon  his  work  as 
something  more  than  a  routine  drudgery ;  they  make  it  a  prob- 
lem for  solution  by  all  concerned.  They  give  play  to  the  creat- 
ive impulse,  and  their  establishment  has  more  than  justified 
i  i  self  in  better  work,  less  shifting,  and  more  efficient  manage- 
ment. 

In  England,  such  shop  committees  have  reached  their  full- 
est development.     Their  formation  has  quieted  labor  trouble 


by  providing  a  means  for  a  full  and  fair  discussion.  And  they 
have  meant  a  real  contribution  to  the  efficiency  of  the  shop. 

•Among  women  such  quasi-managerial  work  is  less  frequent- 
ly found.  It  is  felt  that  women  are  too  uninterested  in  work 
as  a  permanent  occupation,  and  perhaps  also  too  unintelligent, 
to  fit  into  such  a  plan.  But  the  fact  that  such  a  plan  will  edu- 
cate women  and  tend  to  give  them  a  more  permanent  viewpoint 
is  ignored. 

In  the  North  such'workers'  committees  frequently  are  given 
charge  of  the  "welfare"  activities,  the  lunch  room,  etc.  This 
is  a  step  on  the  road  to  entrusting  them  with  discipline,  with 
details  of  production,  or  selling,  etc.  When  carefully  super- 
vised, the  development  of  executive  power  will  be  a  source  of 
much  good  to  the  shop  as  a  whole.  It  is  possible  that  such 
organization  within  a  shop,  where  the  rights  of  discussion  are 
given  and  the  creative  ability  of  the  worker  utilized,  will  tend 
to  make  unionizing  less  probable  and  less  attractive. 

The  working  women  of  New  Orleans  are  practically  unor- 
ganized, but  it  is  certain  that  the  union,  in  its  best  develop- 
ment, also  possesses  great  potentialities  for  the  betterment  of 
labor  conditions;  like  a  good  Association  of  Commerce  it  is 
a  democratic  method  of  group  education  which  results  in  fair 
requests,  and  restrained  but  efficient  methods  for  the  obtain- 
ing of  better  industrial  conditions. 

Legal  Remedies. 

In  each  of  the  foregoing  discussions  the  worker  and  the 
employer  alone  have  been  considered.  When  the  third  party — 
the  public — enters,  machinery  for  progress  is  in  general  legal 
in  its  nature. 

The  public  is  interested  in  its  capacity  as  consumer;  but 
the  state  has  a  much  more  direct  and  immediate  interest  in 
conserving  the  health  and  well-being  of  its  women  citizens. 
Biological  considerations  demand  woman's  protection.  Phys- 
ically she  is  the  child-bearer,  and  it  is  on  her  well-being  that 
the  strength  and  virility  of  future  generations  depend. 

In  the  recent  draft,  analysis  was  made  of  the  percentage 
of  rejections  from  military  service.  It  was  of  course  noted 
that  the  manufacturing  states,  where  women  had  been   em- 

18 


ployed  for  generations,  had  the  highest  proportion  of  re- 
jections. 

But  it  Was  noteworthy  that  Massachusetts,  a  pioneer  in 
"hours  for  women"  legislation,  and  a  leader  in  industrial  re- 
forms running  back  more  than  a  generation,  had  a  lower  per- 
centage of  rejections  than  the  neighboring  states  where  women 
had  been  equally  industrialized  but  less  protected  by  law. 

The  connection  between  the  health  of  the  mothers  and  that 
of  the  descendants,  while  not  absolutely  proved  in  this  in- 
stance, is,  in  reality,  direct  and  close.  When  a  woman  is  under- 
paid and  overworked  she  cannot  be  a  good  citizen  or  a  mother 
of  healthy  children.  And  more ;  her  children  suffer  immediate 
hardship,  for  often  the  working  woman  is  a  widowed  mother, 
and  must  use  her  strength  to  support  herself  and  her  children. 
It  behooves  the  state,  therefore,  as  one  of  its  most  vital  func- 
tions, to  protect  the  welfare  of  its  women  in  industry. 

How  can  the  state  best  protect  its  working  women  1 

Legal  standards  in  specific  instances  will  be  detailed  in  the 
various  chapters.  But  the  central  machinery  in  the  state  gov- 
ernment which  has  worked  best  to  safeguard  the  employment 
of  women  in  industry  is  the  Industrial  Welfare  Commission, 
working  with  the  State  Department  of  Labor  and  particularly 
the  Women  in  Industry  Division  of  that  department. 

The  Industrial  Welfare  Commission  has  been  a  part  of  the 
government  in  some  states  for  many  years.  More  recently  its 
powers  have  been  extended.  Often  such  a  commission  takes 
over  the  entire  duties  of  the  State  Department  of  Labor,  but 
more  frequently  it  works  in  co-operation  with  it.  The  Indus- 
trial Welfare  Commission  as  developed  in  California,  Oregon, 
and  Massachusetts  has  reference  to  the  work  of  women  and 
children  only. 

The  California  law,  passed  in  1913,  creating  the  Industrial 
Welfare  Commission  is  quoted  at  the  close  of  the  chapter  on 
Wages.  Its  most  important  function  probably  is  that  of  mak- 
ing wage  investigations  and  issuing  wage  orders.  Its  func- 
tions, however,  include  establishing  hour  limits  below  the  legal 
maximum  for  special  trades,  and  legislating  on  'all  sorts  of 
comfort  and  welfare  provisions  which  will  tend  to  increase  the 
well-being  of  the  woman  at  work  without  being  unduly  bur- 
densome to  the  employer. 

19 


Where  any  executive  functions  devolve  upon  an  individual, 
or  a  group,  they  may  be  well  or  poorly  carried  out.  No  law  is 
stronger  than  the  officials  who  are  to  enforce  it.  No  commis- 
sion is  stronger  than  the  individuals  of  which  it  is  composed. 
For  this  reason  many  people  look  on  all  commissions  with 
doubt. 

But  if  public  interest  follows  the  appointing  and  working 
of  a  commission,  if  it  is  composed  of  energetic,  public-minded, 
unprejudiced  individuals,  if  it  is  given  sufficient  funds  to  work 
with,  then  very  great  good  may  occur.  It  is  superior  to  law 
making  in  its  greater  flexibility,  its  permanence,  its  ability  to 
hear  and  weigh  evidence  more  easily,  and  its  possibility  of  ap- 
plication to  individual  industries. 

At  least  one  member  of  such  a  commission,  in  addition  to 
its  executive  secretary,  should  be  a  woman.  The  commission 
should  be  open  to  consultation  with  clubs  and  all  employer  and 
employe  organizations,  and  should  organize  itself  on  a  basis  of 
energetic  service  to  the  community  and  state. 

It  should  work  closely  with  the  Department  of  Labor,  which 
should  be  enlarged  to  include  a  woman  member  for  the  entire 
estate,  as  the  representative  of  women  in  industry.  It  would 
seem  that  legal  barriers  to  the  inclusion  of  women  in  state  gov- 
ernment can  be  circumvented  here  as  they  have  been  in  the 
state  department  of  health. 

The  women  in  industry  representative  of  the  State  Depart- 
ment of  Labor  should  have  charge  of  enforcing  all  existing 
state  laws  regarding  the  employment  of  women  and  minors. 
She  should  also  make  investigations  in  co-operation  with  the 
Industrial  Welfare  Commission,  and  work  in  harmony  with 
this  body. 

Such  enlargement  of  the  state  functions  should  cost  the 
state  probaly  $20,000  annually,  $15,000  for  the  commission  and 
its  expenses,  and  $5,000  additional  to  the  Department  of  Labor 
budget  for  the  Women  in  Industry  Division.  This  is  about  one 
dollar  a  year  for  each  working  woman  employed  in  Louisiana. 
The  education  of  children  costs  many  times  as  much  annually 
per  child.  Surely  the  state  can  afford  to  invest  in  the  welfare 
of  its  working  women  to  this  extent. 

The  Industrial  Welfare  Commission  should  study  all  the 
field  covered  by  this  survey,  and  should  study  more  thoroly 


such  questions  as  the  employment  of  minors  and  home  em- 
ployment. 

The  U.  S.  Department  of  Labor  standards  (Women  in  In- 
dustry Division)  of  home  employment  are  as  follows : 

"No  work  shall  be  given  out  to  be  done  in  rooms  used  for 
living  or  sleeping  purposes  or  in  rooms  directly  connected  with 
living  or  sleeping  rooms  in  any  dwelling  or  tenement." 

In  Louisiana  the  concensus  of  opinion  seems  to  be  that  sew- 
ing work  given  out  to  be  done  in  homes  is  relatively  harmless, 
and  as  a  matter  of  fact  goes  into  homes  of  comparative  refine- 
ment and  cleanliness. 

The  facts  on  this  ought,  however,  to  be  investigated.  One 
case  came  to  the  survey 's  notice  where  pecans  were  taken  home 
for  shelling  by  a  crippled  member  of  a  family.  "Whether  home 
work  with  foods  is  common  or  not  should  be  known. 

Wages  for  home  work  should  also  be  studied.  In  the  few 
cases  which  came  to  the  survey's  knowledge,  wages  were  ex- 
cessively low,  so  as  to  justify  the  common  title  of  sweat  shop 
work.  The  employer's  profit  on  this  work  must  have  been 
enormous.  Whether  goods  are  thoroly  fumigated  and  made 
sanitary,  whether  the  home  worker  needs  protection — all  these 
are  matters  needing  study. 

On  the  subjects  studied  here — wages,  hours,  welfare,  safe- 
ty, turnover,  special  groups — certain  definite  conclusions  have 
been  reached.  It  is  the  purpose  here  to  make  a  summary  of 
these  conclusions.  Details  and  supporting  data  will  be  found 
in  the  respective  chapters. 

Wages. 

Wages  have  seen  an  increase  in  the  past  five  years.  This  in- 
crease, due  in  the  main  to  war  conditions,  has  been  more  than 
sufficient  to  offset  the  increase  in  the  cost  of  living,  so  that 
working  women  to-day  average  20  per  cent  better  off  than  they 
were  five  years  ago. 

This  increase,  it  is  believed,  will  suffer  little  or  no  drop  be- 
cause of  the  return  of  peace.  But  with  a  plentiful  supply  of 
labor  it  is  possible  that  the  progress  towards  higher  wages 
may  not  continue,  as  it  should,  if  all  women  are  to  receive  a 
wage  sufficient  for  living  in  minimum  comfort,  or  even  for  the 
bare  necessities  of  life. 

21 


Altho  wages  have  advanced,  one  out  of  every  eight,  of  all 
women  employed,  (i.  e.,  12  per  cent),  are  still  receiving  less 
than  enough  to  meet  the  bare  requirements  of  life  itself,  for 
an  independent  worker ;  while  half  are  not  receiving  enough 
to  provide  for  a  minimum  degree  of  comfort  in  permitting  a 
small  expenditure  for  recreation,  doctor's  bills,  and  the  support 
of  dependents. 

Moreover,  in  some  industries  there  has  been  scarcely  any  in- 
crease in  wages  in  five  years,  while  in  several  the  increase  has 
been  far  from  sufficient  to  meet  increased  living  costs.  A  table 
giving  facts  for  individual  industries  is  presented  in  the  Wage 
chapter. 

The  state  may  fairly  assume  the  responsibility  of  making 
sure  that  no  employer  is  permitted  to  pay  less  than  a  living 
wage.  Here  again  the  state  is  in  reality  coercing  employers 
to  act  to  their  own  advantage ;  for  the  most  far-sighted  men 
realize  that  it  pays  to  pay  good  wages,  and  that  underpaid 
labor  is  the  most  expensive  of  all. 

"While  there  are  valid  objections  to  a  flat  minimum  wage, 
this  should,  if  established,  stand  at  a  level  which  will  enable 
the  workers  to  provide  for  the  quasi-necessities  of  recreation, 
sanitary  surroundings,  illness,  or  the  support  of  dependents — 
in  other  words  a  minimum  comfort  level. 

The  best  legal  solution,  however,  would  seem  to  be  the  in- 
dustrial welfare  commission  with  power  by  law  to  issue  orders 
establishing  minimum  wage  levels  in  individual  industries  or 
in  special  working  groups. 

The  question  of  wages  is  taken  up  first  because  it  is  of  fun- 
damental importance.  No  welfare  work  can  compensate  for 
poor  wages;  no  energy  or  good  will  on  the  part  of  the  worker 
can  produce  efficient  work  unless  she  is  enabled  to  live  health- 
fully on  her  pay.  The  final  measure  of  an  industrial  com- 
munity or  system  is  the  fairness  with  which  it  admits  and  fol- 
lows this  principle. 

Hours. 

Next  of  importance  comes  the  question  of  working  hours. 
Shall  the  employer  be  allowed  to  "scrap*'  employes  thru  over- 
work?   If  not,  where  shall  the  time  limit  be  placed? 

22 


Labor  says,  8  hours  a  day  should  be  the  limit  of  work. 
Capital  would  place  no  limit  except  that  determined  upon  in 
individual  shops.  The  employer  insists  that  he  can  be  trusted 
not  to  place  hours  at  a  length  detrimental  to  health. 

And  yet  employers  enforce  long  hours  against  their  own 
health  convictions.  One  said:  "I  know  10  hours  a  day  is  too 
long.  No  one,  man  or  woman,  ought  to  work  over  8  hours. 
But  what  can  I  do?  We  are  organized  for  profit,  and  I  am 
working  for  profit."  Several  hundred  women  worked  10 
hours  a  day  for  this  man's  profit,  altho  he  frankly  admitted 
the  health  of  the  workers  would  have  been  better  served  by 
an  8  hour  day. 

In  a  discussion  of  hours  there  are  two  broad  questions : 
What  hours  are  so  long  as  to  be  unduly  fatiguing,  and  what 
effect  will  shorter  hours  have  on  industrial  production? 

The  10  hour  day  is  shown  to  be  exceedingly  fatiguing,  so 
that  a  worker  in  some  hours  can  produce  less  than  two-thirds 
as  much  as  in  others. 

It  is  also  shown  that  in  the  two  instances  where  hours  had 
been  shortened  and  production  records  kept,  the  gross  output 
was  larger  under  the  shortened  hours  than  under  the  former 
long  ones.  This  finding  coincides  with  the  conclusions  reached 
in  numerous  other  cases  by  other  investigations.  In  fact,  few 
employers  care  at  present  to  work  their  women  employes  up 
to  the  maximum  of  hours,  so  that  only  one-third  of  firms  and 
40  per  cent  of  employers  are  now  working  up  to  60  hours 
weekly  or  10  hours  daily,  while  nearly  half  of  Louisiana  firms 
are  now  working  the  8  hour  day  or  the  48  hour  week. 

The  group  of  women  working  the  longest  hours  has  the 
poorest  conditions  in  other  respects.  These  are  in  general  the 
poorly  paid  workers.  A  large  proportion  of  them  are  working 
mothers.  They  are  the  people  most  in  need  of  legal  protection 
against  overwork  and  underpay. 

All  these  considerations,  as  well  as  the  progress  which 
other  states  have  made  in  limiting  hours,  lead  to  the  recom- 
mendations of  an  8, 'or  at  most  a  9  hour  day,  to  be  established 
by  law,  with  a  weekly  limit  of  48,  or  at  most  54.  Such  a  regu- 
lation would  merely  bring  all  employers  in  Louisiana  up  to  the 
present  level  of  the  most  enlightened,  and  it  would  protect 
more  fully  the  health  and  well-being  of  working  women. 

23 


Welfare. 

Certain  activities  commonly  classed  as  "welfare"  should  be 
included  in  every  establishment  where  women  are  employed, 
and  so  may  well  be  legally  compulsory. 

The  machinery  for  enforcing  such  regulations  should  be 
the  State  Department  of  Labor. 

Compulsory  welfare  provisions  should  include  washing  fa- 
cilities, toilet  facilities,  shop  cleanliness,  dressing  rooms,  ade- 
quate ventilation  and  light,  drinking  facilities,  provision  for 
rest  at  the  noon  hour,  (advised)  rest  period  in  forenoon  and 
afternoon,  seats  for  all  workers,  and  protective  uniforms  for 
dusty  and  dangerous  work. 

Details  of  these  will  be  found  in  the  chapter  on  Welfare. 
In  addition,  a  detailed  welfare  system  is  there  described,  for 
the  benefit  of  employers  who  may  wish  to  make  this  work  a 
part  of  their  shop  system. 

Safety. 

Industrial  accidents  are  alarmingly  on  the  increase  among 
Louisiana  working  women.  The  past  year  has  seen  three  times 
as  many  accidents  as  took  place  five  years  ago,  altho  the  num- 
ber of  women  employed  has  increased  but  66  per  cent. 

These  accidents  are  permitted  by  the  lack  of  safety  regu- 
lation in  the  state.  With  the  increase  of  Louisiana  industry, 
it  becomes  essential  that  a  carefully  worked  out  safety  code, 
applying  to  men's  work  as  well  as  women's,  be  established, 
under  the  administration  of  the  State  Department  of  Labor. 

Analysis  of  accidents  actually  sustained  shows  that  a  large 
proportion  of  them  are  preventable  under  well-planned  and 
well-enforced  safety  legislation. 

Turnover. 

The  turnover,  or  annual  shifting  of  labor,  indicates  the  em- 
ploye's content  or  discontent  in  her  job.  This  is  not  a  question 
for  legal  action,  but  an  indication  by  which  employers  may 
measure  the  attractiveness  of  their  shops  as  seen  thru  the  eyes 
of  the  worker. 

Labor  shifting  was  first  analyzed  to  determine  its  extent 
and  distribution  among  various  industries.     Next  it  was  at- 

24 


tempted  to  analyze  reasons  for  leaving,  as  given  to  employers 
by  girls  leaving  their  jobs. 

Finally  the  reasons  given  by  several  thousand  employes 
themselves  were  studied. 

It  is  recommended  that  employers  study  the  causes  of  labor 
shifting  with  a  view  to  removing  remediable  ones.  Labor 
turnover  is  inevitably  costly,  and  no  industry  can  afford  to 
ignore  a  high  turnover.  Shifting  may  be  due  in  part  to  natural, 
or  individual  causes,  but  it  can  always  be  lessened  by  wise  shop 
management. 

Special  Groups. 

Two  special  groups  were  studied, — girls  under  18  years  of 
age,  and  the  working  mothers. 

Child  labor  legislation  in  Louisiana  meets  U.  S.  Government 
standards  in  all  except  one  respect, — the  number  of  hours  of 
labor  permitted.  The  U.  S.  Child  Labor  Law  gives  8  hours 
per  day  as  the  maximum  for  boys  and  girls  under  18  years  of 
age,  while  Louisiana  permits  10,  or  60  weekly.  The  law  in 
this  state  should  be  revised  to  conform  to  national  standards. 

Wages  for  minor  workers  are  very  low.  If  all,  or  even  a 
large  proportion  of  minors  were  working  for  pin-money,  this 
fact  would  not  be  open  to  criticism.  But  these  minors  are 
frequently  forced  into  industry  by  low  wages  paid  to  other 
members  of  their  families,  and  a  large  proportion  of  them  must 
help  support  dependents  on  wages  inadequate  for  themselves 
alone.  This  condition  merely  adds  another  argument  to  those 
already  mentioned  looking  toward  more  adequate  remunera- 
tion for  the  worker. 

The  working  mothers  likewise  form  a  group  particularly 
in  need  of  protection.  These  women  are  also  forced  into  indus- 
try by  financial  lack,  and  are  consequently  even  more  depend- 
ent on  their  jobs  than  the  average  woman  worker.  They  are 
found  most  in  the  least  desirable  industries,  with  the  longest 
hours,  lowest  wages,  and  poorest  working  conditions.  Altho 
practically  all  of  them  support  or  help  support  dependents,  15 
per  cent  of  all  wages  fall  below  a  bare  living  minimum  for  an 
independent  worker. 

These  women  form  a  powerful  argument  for  general  hour, 
wage,  and  welfare  legislation.    They  likewise  point  to  the  ne- 

25 


eessity  of  a  mothers  pension  law,  a  sample  of  which  is  given 
and  discussed  in  the  Special  Groups  chapter. 

The  industrial  progress  which  has  been  made  urges  that  the 
surviving  inequalities  and  injustices  be  done  away  with.  The 
spirit  of  fairness  and  liberality,  characteristic  of  the  Louisiana 
business  man  gives  hope  that  in  the  future,  further  necessary 
steps  will  be  taken. 


26 


SECTION  TWO. 


WAGES  AND  COST  OF  LIVING. 
I. 

Summary  and  Recommendations. 

The  crux  of  the  industrial  problem  is  the  question  of  wages. 

Other  factors,  such  as  hours,  sanitation,  welfare  activities, 
and  so  forth,  enter  in  as  important  issues,  but  in  the  final  anal- 
ysis the  question  of  wages  must  be  given  place  as  of  first 
importance.  If  an  employer  is  willing  to  pay  liberal  wages, 
other  good  conditions  are  apt  to  follow  as  a  matter  of  course. 

Some  employers  seek,  by  giving  good  conditions  in  every 
other  regard,  to  compensate  for  paying  wages  below  a  fair 
level.  While  such  advantages  do  operate  to  modify  the  results 
of  underpay,  still  they  cannot  avail  to  set  the  balance  even. 

This  survey  has  attempted  to  define  a  living  wage  with  due 
regard  to  the  financial  burden  upon  the  average  employe,  and 
in  the  light  of  that  definition  to  evaluate  the  adequacy  of  wages 
at  present  paid. 

The  facts  supporting  the  survey's  conclusions  will  be  de- 
tailed in  succeeding  sections.  In  this  section  will  be  given  a 
digest  of  facts  on  wages,  and  the  conclusions  arising  from 
such  facts. 

1.  The  average  employe  is  self-supporting  or  contributing 
to  the  support  of  others.  Wages  must  therefore  be  based,  not 
on  the  "home  girl,"  but  on  the  complete  living  needs  of  an 
independent  worker. 

2.  A  minimum  amount  to  cover  the  bare  necessities  of  life 
is  $6  weekly. 

3.  If  any  expenditure  for  recreation,  sanitary  surround- 
ings, illness,  or  the  support  of  dependents,  be  included,  the 
minimum  level  is  $9. 

4.  Emploj-es'  budgets  show  that  the  primary  items  of  food 
and  shelter  use  up  practically  all  their  incomes,  leaving  little 
or  nothing  for  comforts  or  recreation. 

5.  Money  wages  for  New  Orleans  working  women  have 
advanced  60  per  cent  in  the  past  five  years,  and  real  wages,  or 


purchasing  power,  have  increased  20  per  cent,  making  the 
working  woman  one-fifth  better  off  than  she  was  five  years  ago. 

6.  This  advance  has  been  due  in  the  main  to  war  condi- 
tions and  so  may  not  continue  in  a  peace  economy. 

7.  This  advance  has  not  been  sufficient  to  raise  all  wages 
to  a  bare  subsistence  level.  Twelve  per  cent  of  New  Orleans 
workers,  and  9  per  cent  in  Louisiana  outside  of  New  Orleans, 
receive  today  less  than  $6  weekly. 

8.  Forty-eight  per  cent  of  women  workers  still  receive  less 
than  a  minimum  comfort  wage  ($9  weekly). 

9.  The  advance  in  wages  has  been  uneven,  showing  up  best 
in  bag  factories  and  the  transportation  industry,  and  least  in 
laundries,  department  stores  and  miscellaneous  manufacturing. 
(Only  six  industries  included  in  this  comparison.) 

10.  Laundries  and  miscellaneous  manufacturing  in  New 
Orleans,  and  clothing  manufacturing,  hotels  and  laundries  in 
the  remainder  of  the  state,  show  up  as  the  low-wage  industries. 

11.  In  the  miscellaneous  manufacturing  group  the  increase 
of  wages  has  been  so  slight  that  real  wages  have  actually  fallen, 
and  in  laundries  and  department  stores  it  has  been  barely  suffi- 
cient to  meet  the  cost  of  living. 

12.  "Wages  in  general  are  slightly  lower  in  New  Orleans 
than  in  the  rest  of  Louisiana. 

13.  The  lowest  paid  occupations,  that  of  domestic  and  per- 
sonal service  outside  of  homes  (laundresses,  maids,  cleaners, 
etc.),  includes  an  excessively  large  proportion  of  working 
mothers  and  long-hour  workers. 

14.  The  group  of  workers  earning  under  $6  weekly,  while 
including  a  large  proportion  of  workers  under  18  years  of  age, 
includes  also  many  working  mothers,  many  women  with  de- 
pendents, and  many  long-hour  workers. 

Every  one  of  these  findings  is  of  vital  importance  in  draw- 
ing conclusions  on  the  wage  situation  today  for  Louisiana 
working  women.  The  fact  that  real  wages  have  increased  is 
most  cheering.  To  make  this  increase  continuous,  general  and 
evenly  distributed,  should  be  the  aim  of  every  social-minded 
person. 

For  the  increase  which  has  taken  place  is  not  enough.  It 
has  not  eliminated  the  payment  of  less  than  a  subsistence  wage. 
It  has  not  relieved  all,  or  even  the  great  majority,  of  working 

28 


mothers.  Far  less  has  it  brought  all  workers  to  a  wage  level 
which  would  enable  them  to  live  with  a  minimum  of  comfort. 

If  industry  could  be  counted  upon  to  make  for  itself  a  20 
per  cent  increase  in  real  wages  every  five  years,  little  of  the 
problem  would  remain  for  solution.  Still,  however,  we  should 
consider  the  individual  industries  where  wages  are  no  better, 
or  actually  poorer,  than  five  years  ago.  A  100  per  cent  increase 
in  one  shop  will  not  compensate  for  a  20  per  cent  decrease  in 
another. 

Finally,  the  time  for  further  progress  is  now.  Industry  has 
been  awakened  to  the  possibility  of  change. 

The  slackening  of  the  industrial  machine  has  caused  a  drop 
in  standards  in  some  places.  This  drop  is  not  necessary.  Even 
should  the  cost  of  living  fall  radically,  wages  should  be  main- 
tained, in  order  that  the  fringe  of  workers  on  starvation  pay 
may  not  suffer  still  further.  The  better  wages  are  ordinarily 
well  maintained,  while  change  affects  the  wages  already  too 
low  for  healthful  living. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  it  is  well  to  suggest  what  can  be 
done.  Recommendations  and  conclusions  (given  in  more  de- 
tailed form  on  pages  56  to  65)  are  as  follows: 

1.  The  individual  employer,  when  he  sees  the  need  of  his 
workers,  can  do  much  by  seeing  to  it  that  the  wages  he  pays 
meet  or  exceed  a  comfort  level. 

2.  An  inevitable  process,  now  not  even  begun,  is  the  organ- 
ization and  subsequent  education  of  women  under  intelligent 
leadership,  possibly  not  itself  of  the  working  class,  to  under- 
stand and  cope  with  their  living  and  work  problem  more 
effectively. 

3.  The  flat  minimum  wage  by  act  of  legislature,  while  a 
simple  solution,  is  open  to  question  because  of  its  unfairness 
to  specific  industries,  its  lack  of  flexibility  and  the  difficulty 
of  revision. 

4.  If  any  flat  minimum  wage  is  established,  it  should  not 
be  less  than  $9  weekly,  to  meet  the  dependency  needs  of  the 
worker  and  to  allow  for  expenses  over  the  bare  living  needs. 

5.  Wages  should  be  determined  in  accordance  with  the 
principle  laid  down  by  the  Women  in  Industry  Service  of  the 
U.  S.  Department  of  Labor:    "The  minimum  wage  rate  should 

29 


cover  the  cost  of  living  for  dependents  and  not  merely  for  the 
individual."* 

6.  It  is  recommended  that  there  be  established  by  law  an 
industrial  welfare  commission,  charged  with  the  duty  of  estab- 
lishing standards  for  industries  or  occupations  in  wages,  hours 
(under  a  legal  maximum)  and  other  working  conditions.  This 
commission  would  apply  to  women  and  minors,  and  would  be 
compelled  by  law  to  study  and  weigh  evidence  before  making 
decision. 

Such  a  commission  should  be  small,  most  carefully  selected, 
and  well  supplied  with  public  interest  and  support.  Commis- 
sions of  this  character  are  already  operative  in  a  number  of 
states,  and  the  California  law  creating  an  industrial  welfare 
commission,  together  with  a  sample  order  by  such  a  commission 
regulating  wages  and  hours,  is  quoted  at  the  close  of  this 
section. 

As  no  commission  can  be  stronger  than  its  personnel,  its 
support  and  its  assistants,  it  is  essential  that  the  commission 
be  formed  of  public-minded  individuals,  and  that  its  executive 
secretary  be  the  best  trained  and  best  fitted  person  possible  to 
secure.  This  means  an  adequate  appropriation  and  a  continued 
interest  on  the  part  of  sponsors  of  such  a  plan  to  see  that  its 
working  out  is  worthy  of  its  possibilities. 

There  can  be  no  complete  and  final  solution  for  the  wage 
problem.  It,  like  most  other  industrial  questions,  is  a  matter 
of  education  of  employer,  employe  and  public  opinion,  and  the 
creation  of  machinery  whereby  society  may  solve  current 
phases  of  the  problem  as  these  may  require  action. 

*"Standard  Governing  Employment  of  Women  in  Industry,"  issued  by  the  Women 
in  Industry  Service.  U.  S.  Department  of  Labor,  Dec.   12,   1918. 


30 


WAGES  AND  COST  OF  LIVING. 
H. 

The  Standard  Employe. 

It  makes  a  great  difference  in  evaluating  wages  what  type 
of  worker  is  regarded  as  the  standard  or  average. 

Department  store  wage  scales,  for  example,  have  always 
been  justified  on  the  basis  that  the  workers  were  living  at  home, 
and  so  were  not  in  actual  need  of  the  wage  paid.  Some  stores 
have  even  given  preference  to  the  "home  girl"  for  this  reason. 

It  must  be  determined  to  what  extent  this  contention  is 
true.  We  must  find  whether  the  average  woman  worker  is  sup- 
ported, self-supporting,  or  actually  supporting  herself  and  de- 
pendents. Is  it  unnecessary  to  pay  women  on  the  same  basis 
as  men,  that  of  complete  self-support?  Do  women  workers  live 
at  home,  and  if  so,  does  this  mean  an  ordinary  home  in  which 
the  father  is  chief  wage-earner,  or  a  home,  perhaps  fatherless, 
in  which  the  burden  of  support  is  borne  by  the  women  mem- 
bers? 

Women  Are  Chief  Wage-Earners. 

Facts  were  gathered  from  5,202  employed  women,  4,366  in 
New  Orleans  and  836  in  Louisiana  outside  New  Orleans.  These 
women  gave  information  on  whether  they  live  at  home  or  not. 
If  not,  the  answer  "boarding"  was  made.  If  the  employe  lived 
at  home,  title  of  the  chief  wage-earner  was  ascertained,  whether 
' '  father, "  "  brother, "  "  husband, "  "  mother/ '  ' '  self, ' '  etc.     . 

Table  Showing  Chief  Wage-Earner  in  Families  of  Working 
Women — Louisiana,  1919. 

Louisiana  Outside 

Total  Interviewed.  New  Orleans.  New  Orleans. 

Total 5,202  4,366  836 

Number.   Per  Cent.  Number.   Per  Cent.        Number.   Per  Cent. 

Boarding 117               2  117               2 

"Self" 2,357             45  1,838             42  519             62 

"Mother" 251               5  225               5  26               3 

"Sister" 221               4  216              5  5               1 

"Father" 1,538            30  1,333            30  205            24 

"Brother" 310               6  301              7  9               1 

"Husband" 228              4  162               4  66               8 

Other   Relatives 172               3  166              4  6               1 

Others 8               1  8               1 

Only  a  negligible  proportion  of  employed  women  in  Louisi- 
ana are  independent  in  the  sense  of  living  away  from  home  or 

31 


immediate  relatives.  Yet  of  those  living  at  home,  only  30  per 
cent  report  "father"  as  the  greatest  wage  earner,  while  2,357, 
or  45  per  cent,  report  "self."  In  fact,  if  a  combination  be  made 
of  the  heads  ("boarding,"  "mother,"  "self"  and  "sister") 
which  show  clearly  that  a  woman  is  the  chief  wage-earner,  they 
amount  to  2,946,  or  57  per  cent.  This  means  that  in  the  clear 
majority  of  cases  where  she  works  at  all,  the  working  woman 
is  the  chief  wage-earner  for  her  family. 

The  woman  in  industry  in  Louisiana  outside  New  Orleans 
is  even  more  often  the  chief  earner  of  her  family  than  is  the 
case  within  the  city  (58  per  cent  for  New  Orleans,  66  per  cent 
for  the  remainder  of  Louisiana).  This  is  naturally  to  be  ex- 
pected, since  women  in  smaller  cities  are  less  apt  to  work  out- 
side the  home  unless  under  the  pressure  of  necessity. 

Industries  Compared. 

How  does  the  home  status  of  the  woman  wage-earner  vary 
with  industries?  Is  it  true  that  the  department  store  girl  is 
the  home  girl,  needing  little  or  none  of  her  wage  for  subsist- 
ence?   "What  is  the  case  in  laundries,  hotels,  cotton  mills? 

Table  Showing  Women  as  Chief  Wage-Earners. 
Louisiana,  1919. 

Proportion  of  Cases 
Number  Where  Woman  Is 

INDUSTRY.  Interviewed.      Chief  Wage-Earner. 

Total 5,202  56% 

Bag   Manufacturing   140  66% 

Banks    and   Agencies 162  51% 

Can     Manufacturing 114  38% 

Candy    Manufacturing    195  37% 

Cigars   and    Tobacco - 495  53% 

Clothing   Manufacturing    227  58% 

Cotton    Mills    299  64% 

fDomestic    and    Personal    Service,    Miscellaneous 24  88% 

Dry  Goods   1,002  51% 

Food    Manufacturing    498  60% 

Hotels    406  75% 

Laundries    439  75% 

Manufacturing  and  Mechanical,  Miscellaneous 276  54% 

*Mines    20  55% 

Printing   and   Publishing 65  38% 

Professional    Service    68  35% 

Restaurants    125  68% 

Trade,  Miscellaneous  271  55% 

Transportation     376  44% 


tOutside  of  homes. 

*Clerical  and  restaurant  work. 

32 


This  table  presents  some  very  interesting  facts.  Industries 
where  the  highest  proportion  of  self-supporting  women  are 
found  are  the  "domestic  and  personal  service''  industries,  such 
as  hotels,  laundries,  restaurants,  cleaning  and  dyeing,  and  other 
miscellaneous  establishments  of  this  character. 

The  department  stores,  which  have  been  regarded  as  par- 
ticularly attractive  to  the  home  girl,  have  a  fairly  high  propor- 
tion of  self-supporting  women,  considerably  higher  than  the 
can  and  candy  manufacturies,  the  printing  and  publishing,  or 
the  professional  service,  which  last  includes  offices  of  doctors, 
lawyers,  photographers  and  the  like. 

The  telegraph  and  telephone  industries  (here  grouped  as 
"transportation,"  following  the  U.  S.  Census  classification) 
seem  fairly  attractive  to  the  girl  in  whose  home  income  from 
women's  labor  does  not  form  the  chief  source  of  support. 

In  general,  however,  it  is  seen  that  56  per  cent  of  women 
workers  are  not  at  all  in  the  pin-money  class,  but  that  their 
income  is  the  chief  source  of  family  revenue.  In  the  other  44 
per  cent  of  cases  are  to  be  found  the  workers  who  seek  money 
for  "extras"  rather  than  necessities,  as  well  as  those  who  are 
self-supporting  even  to  the  extent  of  paying  the  family  for 
room  and  board,  altho  the  father,  brother  or  other  male  mem- 
ber of  the  family  is  earning  a  higher  wage. 

Dependency. 

The  foregoing  study  to  determine  the  home  status  of  the 
employed  woman  does  not  completely  cover  the  problem.  For 
example,  a  girl  and  her  brother  may  entirely  support  a  family 
of  six.  The  brother  earns  the  larger  wage,  but  the  woman's 
earnings  are  none  the  less  essential  to  the  family  maintenance. 

It  is  necessary  to  discover  what  proportion  of  employes 
have  to  carry  a  burden  greater  than  that  of  their  own  support. 
The  woman  worker  has  frequently  been  regarded  as  free  from 
the  dependency  problem  which  confronts  the  man  worker.  It  is 
interesting  to  find  how  far  this  theory  is  based  on  fact. 

In  2,593  cases,  or  almost  precisely  half  the  total  number 
studied,  the  working  woman  must  not  only  support  herself,  but 
support,  entirely  or  partially,  dependents  within  her  family. 

The  extent  of  this  dependency  varies.  One  girl  may  be  a 
member  of  a  family  of  five,  of  which  three  are  working  to  meet 

33 


the  general  family  expenses.  Another  woman  may  be  a  widow, 
attempting  on  a  wage  of  $8  weekly  to  support  four  small  chil- 
dren. In  such  an  instance,  if  the  worker's  pride  prevents  her 
from  appealing  to  charity,  her  situation  is  indeed  difficult.  She 
is  practically  forced  to  place  some  of  the  children  in  an  asylum, 
paying  a  small  sum  per  month  for  their  board.  The  others  she 
places  in  a  day  nursery,  and  with  what  remains  of  her  wage 
she  struggles  to  pay  for  living  quarters,  food  and  other  neces- 
sary expenses.  Such  cases  as  this  are  not  infrequent.  Survey 
workers  discovered  a  number  of  women  whose  burden  of  de- 
pendency was  equal  to  or  oven  greater  than  that  just  described. 

The  woman  who  is  the  sole  support  of  her  family  is  not  the 
average,  and  so  will  not  serve  as  a  standard  for  determining  a 
subsistence  wage.  But  neither  will  the  girl  who  works  for  pin- 
money.  Half  the  working  women  in  Louisiana  support  or  help 
support  dependents.  At  least  another  25  per  cent  support 
themselves  entirely.  Not  more  than  one  out  of  five  working 
women  in  this  city  or  state  fits  the  "pin-money"  theory. 

In  fact,  it  is  hard  to  see  how  any  such  idea  could  have  been 
developed  by  people  intimately  acquainted  with  industrial  con- 
ditions. The  average  job  is  not  so  well-paid,  nor  the  average 
worker  so  energetic,  that  she  will  work  for  unnecessary  income. 

The  typical  working  woman  is  self-supporting.  In  a  major- 
ity of  cases  she  is  the  chief  wage-earner  of  her  family.  In  half 
the  cases  she  must  contribute  to  their  support.  Wages  must  be 
based  on  the  complete  living  needs  of  a  self-supporting  worker. 


34 


WAGES  AND  COST  OF  LIVING. 
III. 

What  Is  a  Living  Wage? 

A  "common-sense"  definition  was  given  the  survey  by  an 
employer,  who  said  a  living  wage  was  whatever  an  employe 
would  work  for. 

On  that  same  morning  two  men  had  sought  employment  in 
his  plant,  men  who  had  been  earning  75  cents  an  hour  (about 
$45  for  a  full  week)  at  the  shipyard.  They  offered  to  work  at 
any  wage  he  chose  to  fix — 20  cents  an  hour  if  necessary.  They 
must  have  work.  This  hour  wage  would  have  brought  them 
$18  per  week,  or  less  than  the  standard  fixed  for  family  sub- 
sistence by  New  Orleans  charities.  The  employer  gave  them 
work  at  his  own  standard  rates,  considerably  more  than  their 
demand. 

This  same  employer  has  highly  paid  assistants,  who  demand 
and  receive  far  more  than  sufficient  for  the  bare  necessities  of 
living.  It  is  fairly  clear  that  in  these  instances  the  employes' 
wage  requirements  do  not  coincide  with  their  subsistence 
necessities. 

Department  store  managers,  like  managers  of  factories, 
work  in  the  darkness  of  ignorance  of  actual  conditions,  or  at 
least  in  the  dusk  of  conjecture  and  speculation.  They  believe 
that  most  of  their  employes  are  partially  supported  at  home. 
They  guess  that  a  girl  can  live  healthfully  and  do  good  work 
on  what  they  are  willing  to  pay.  And  their  idea  of  a  living 
wage  is  the  lowest  amount  for  which  the  worker  will  sell  her 
services. 

Another  employer  took  a  different  view  of  wages.  "We 
want  the  best  help,  not  the  leavings  and  sweepings  of  the  labor 
market,"  he  said.  "We  don't  know  what  a  bare  living  wage 
is,  but  we  know  that  our  girls  are  every  one  of  them  earning 
far  above  it.  And  we  know  that  it  pays  us  to  set  good  stan- 
dards in  wages,  hours  and  other  conditions.  We  get  the  pick 
of  workers.  We  never  need  to  advertise  for  help.  Our  girls 
can  and  do  produce  enough  to  earn  the  higher  rates  we  pay, 
and  we  save  on  overhead  expenses." 

35 


The  view  of  a  living  wage  as  determined  by  the  demand  of 
the  worker  of  course  contains  a  practical  truth.  The  working 
woman  does  to  a  certain  extent  control  wages  thru  her  de- 
mand for  more  pay.  In  communities  where  wage  standards  are 
good,  new  establishments  must  pay  standard  rates,  and  in  gen- 
eral production  costs  do  not  suffer.  When  labor  is  scarce  in 
communities  with  low  wage  standards,  the  individual  employe 
may  and  often  does  do  much  to  raise  her  own  standard  of 
living. 

In  practice  it  is  difficult  to  define  or  establish  a  standard 
subsistence  wage.  Hours  vary,  the  difficulty  of  the  work  varies 
— tho  it  is  generally  true  that  these  vary  directly  with  pay, 
so  that  the  long-hour,  hard-labor  industries  are  the  low-wage 
ones,  while  shops  where  the  work  and  hours  are  light  have 
good  wage  scales.  Then  also  the  ability  of  the  employe  to 
"manage"  her  financial  affairs  is  exceedingly  uneven.  One 
woman  may  support  life  on  half  what  another  requires  for  bare 
necessities.  A  girl  who  is  not  capable  of  careful  planning  may 
suffer  extreme  hardship  on  a  wage  that  her  more  intelligent 
neighbor  finds  sufficient.  The  burden  on  the  employe  varies 
from  the  widow  with  four  or  five  small  children  to  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  family  who  works  for  money,  for  clothes,  and  "good 
times,"  altho  this  type  of  worker,  as  has  been  shown,  is  far 
less  common  than  is  often  supposed. 

The  girl  living  at  home,  even  tho  paying  her  full  share 
of  family  expenses,  can  usually  exist  on  less  pay  than  the  "in- 
dependent" worker.  Charity  helps  out  where  need  is  dire,  and 
endowed  institutions,  such  as  the  Catherine  Club,  are  formed 
to  enable  the  employe  to  live  for  less  than  the  market  rates  for 
board  and  room. 

It  has  been  claimed  that  charitable  and  semi-charitable 
institutions  are  in  essence  subsidies,  not  to  the  worker,  but  to 
the  employer,  to  relieve  him  of  the  necessity  of  paying  higher 
wages.  His  wage  scale  is  at  a  certain  standard.  Some,  per- 
haps most,  of  his  emploj^es  exist  in  fairly  good  conditions. 
Others,  with  a  greater  subsistence  burden,  or  with  lower  wages, 
would  normally  fall  by  the  wayside.  So  institutions  are  en- 
dowed and  maintained,  boarding  homes,  nurseries,  asylums, 
etc.,  which  assist  workers  who  could  not  otherwise  exist  on 
their  wages. 

36 


It  should  be  added  that  such  a  view  has  reference  purely 
to  the  financial  side  of  the  service  rendered  by  such  organiza- 
tions, and  not  to  the  features  of  diversion,  supervised  compan- 
ionship, sanitation,  good  care,  etc.,  which  could  be  offered  inde- 
pendently of  lowered  cost. 

Viewed  from  this  light,  these  aids  become  the  employer's 
return  to  the  more  burdened  workers  in  lieu  of  increased  pay. 
•Of  course  the  connection  is  not  direct,  but  most  devious.  And 
unhappily  such  aid  often  does  not  locate  its  most  needy  candi- 
dates. A  club  like  the  Catherine  Club  reaches  the  self-support- 
ing, independent  group  of  employes.  Few  institutions  reach 
the  "home  women,"  struggling  to  support  dependents. 

Subsistence  and  Comfort. 

Two  levels  are  usually  indicated  in  budget  studies — sub- 
sistence and  minimum  comfort.  The  first  is  regarded  as  the 
bare  minimum  at  which  life  can  be  maintained  at  working  effi- 
ciency. The  second  contemplates  some  variation  in  diet,  some 
provision  for  sickness  or  accident,  some  expenditures  for  re- 
creation, some  clothing  for  leisure  activities  as  well  as  business. 
If  any  of  these  items  are  included  in  expenditures  from  a  sub- 
sistence budget,  it  is  at  the  cost  of  some  of  the  necessities,  and 
means  that  these  fall  below  a  health  standard. 

Shall  we  figure  on  a  minimum  subsistence  or  a  minimum 
comfort  level?  Is  it  fair  to  allow  the  worker  to  spend  for 
amusements,  to  save  a  little,  to  provide  for  her  own  possible 
illness? 

An  approximation  of  both  standards  is  attempted  in  this 
section.  In  a  subsequent  section  it  will  be  discovered  what 
proportion  of  wages  at  present  paid  are  below  a  subsistence 
level  or  a  minimum  comfort  level. 

Present  Subsistence  Standards. 

In  attempting  to  determine  a  living  wage  for  women  in 
industry,  two  methods  were  used.  The  first  was  an  analysis 
of  standards  already  in  use  by  charitable  organizations,  gov- 
ernment investigations  and  the  like.  The  second  was  an  analy- 
sis of  workers'  budgets  to  find  what  the  average  worker  must 
actually  pay  for  her  various  needs. 


448988 


The  unit  for  all  budget  work  is  the  standard  family,  con- 
sisting of  husband,  wife  and  three  children.  Variations  from 
this  standard  are  made  in  accordance  with  a  scale  referring 
living  needs  of  women  and  children  to  those  of  the  adult  man. 
A  woman,  for  example,  is  said  to  require  nine-tenths  as  much 
as  an  adult  man;  a  child,  11  to  14  years  old,  nine-tenths;  a 
child,  7  to  10,  75  per  cent;  and  so  on.  (Scale  adopted  by  U.  S. 
Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics.) 

A  study  made  in  New  Orleans  in  January,  1918,  by  the 
United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics  found  the  cost  of 
various  items  of  living  for  the  adult  man,  to  be  per  week : 

Food  $2.80 

Light  and  fuel 45 

Miscellaneous  .„ 1.00 

Clothing  _ 1.00 


$5.25 
This  budget  excludes  rent.    If  we  give  rent  its  average  pro- 
portion in  the  budget  (*17.65  per  cent),  we  secure  a  total  esti- 
mated expense  per  week  of: 

Food  $2.80 

Light  and  fuel 45 

Miscellaneous  1.00 

Clothing  _ 1.00 

Kent  _ — 1.13 


$6.38 

Nine-tenths  of  this  sum  will  figure,  for  a  woman,  at  a  living 
expense  per  week  of  $5.74  in  January,  1918. 

Of  course  this  is  an  estimate  for  bare  subsistence.  Room 
at  $1  per  week,  food  at  less  than  40  cents  daily,  do  not  mean 
any  luxuries.  The  miscellaneous  item,  about  13  cents  a  day, 
would  barely  cover  car  fare.  A  pair  of  shoes  would  use  the 
entire  clothing  appropriation  for  several  weeks.  Moreover,  we 
must  remember  that  prices  have  risen  since  January,  1918,  so 
that  this  budget  would  certainly  not  cover  the  living  needs  of 
a  worker  today. 


*P.  4.  "Wartime  Chances  in  the  Cost  of  Living."   National  Industrial  Conference 
Board,   August,   1918. 

38 


Charity  Standards. 

Two  charitable  organizations  in  New  Orleans  have  worked 
out  subsistence  standards  for  the  family  of  five,  and  for  a 
widow  with  children.  These  standards  are  used  in  determining 
the  need  for  charity  assistance. 

One  of  these  organizations  stated  that  before  the  war  its 
family  standard  was  $16  per  week,  and  that  the  war  has  raised 
this  40  per  cent,  making  a  present  standard  of  $21  weekly. 
Families  whose  income  fell  below  this  standard  were  regarded 
as  in  need  of  assistance. 

The  other  organization  had  a  higher  standard — $22.50 
weekly  for  a  family  of  five.  Both  charities  are  concerned  prac- 
tically exclusively  with  relief  for  white  families,  and  as  the 
proportion  of  colored  women  in  industry  is  very  small,  are  of 
direct  bearing  on  the  problem  of  establishing  a  subsistence 
standard. 

The  two  charities  had  the  same  standard  for  a  widow  with 
children.  The  minimum  subsistence  income  for  a  mother  and 
four  dependent  children  was  stated  by  both  as  $16  weekly. 

The  "independent"  working  woman  is  seldom  a  candidate 
for  charity,  but  both  organizations  concern  themselves  with 
securing  jobs  for  working  women,  and  both  do  some  relief  work 
where  it  may  be  necessary.  The  first  organization  reported  $6 
weekly  as,  in  its  opinion,  the  minimum  subsistence  wage  for  an 
independent  working  woman.  The  second  reported  $40  month- 
ly, or  slightly  over  $9  per  week,  as  the  lowest  wage  on  which  a 
New  Orleans  working  woman  could  live  decently  and  health- 
fully.   This  would  fit  the  following  budget : 

Rent  and  2  meals $20.00 

Lunches  4.00 

Carfare  3 .00 

Clothing,  doctor,  incidentals 13.00 

$40.00 
Or,  per  week : 

Rent  and  2  meals $4.62 

Lunches  89 

Carfare  72 

Clothing,  etc „ 3.00 

$9.23 

39 


A  comparison  of  weekly  subsistence  budgets,  then,  for  the 
two  charities  and  for  the  governmental  bureau  investigation  is 
as  follows : 

U.  S.  Bureau 
Labor  Statistics, 

January,  1918.  Charity  A.  Charity  B. 

Standard   Family,    per   week $21.00  $22.50 

Widow,    4    Children 16.00  16.00 

Independent   Working  Woman $5.74  6.00  9.23 

There  can  be  no  question  but  that  Charity  A,  like  the  United 
States  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  adopted  a  bare  subsistence 
as  its  standard,  while  Charity  B  adopted  a  minimum  comfort 
level  in  allowing  perhaps  $1.50  weekly  for  rent,  50  cents  daily 
for  food  and  $13  monthly  for  clothing,  recreation,  illness  and 
all  the  minor  necessities  to  a  fairly  comfortable  existence.  Such 
an  allowance  does  not  seem  unreasonable.  No  one  would  deny 
that  if  conditions  in  industry  made  it  possible,  it  should  be 
given. 

Living  Wage  Defined. 

A  living  wage,  then,  may  be  defined  as  $6  weekly.  A  mini- 
mum comfort  wage  is  $9  per  week. 

To  check  these  standards  it  is  necessary  to  analyze  actual 
expenditure  of  workers  themselves.  A  total  of  692  budgets 
were  studied,  544  from  New  Orleans  and  148  from  the  remain- 
der of  Louisiana. 

What  Workers  Spend. 

In  the  general  field  study,  facts  were  gathered  from  em- 
ployes to  show  what  they  were  compelled  to  pay  for  board, 
rent,  clothes,  etc.,  per  month.  Many  women  had  almost  no  idea 
of  "where  the  money  goes."  To  several  the  idea  of  keeping 
track  was  a  valuable  suggestion,  as  it  meant  for  them  the  pos- 
sibility of  more  careful  planning  to  eke  out  meager  funds. 
Many  budgets  were  in  some  degree  estimates,  but  in  the  major 
items  of  rent  and  food,  at  least,  accuracy  was  possible. 

About  one  worker  out  of  three  turns  over  her  entire  earn- 
ings to  her  mother  or  some  other  member  of  the  family,  from 
whom  she  receives  in  return  money  for  carfare,  lunches  and  so 
forth.  In  many  of  these  instances  the  wage  is  so  meager  that 
it  could  not  cover  living  expenses  at  market  rates;  in  other 

40 


instances  the  girl's  contribution  is  a  real  help  to  the  family 
finances. 

Where  workers  turned  over  their  entire  wages  to  the  home- 
keeper  no  budget  records  could  be  taken.  It  was  possible, 
however,  to  analyze  181  budgets  where  workers  received  par- 
tial support  from  their  families  and  511  where  workers  were 
entirely  self-supporting.  No  budget  from  an  income  over  $15 
weekly  was  used. 

Other  Sources  of  Income. 

In  many -instances  a  girl  would  report  expenditures  total- 
ling 50  or  100  per  cent  more  than  her  wage.  When  questioned 
she  would  smile  and  shrug  her  shoulders,  or  frankly  admit  that 
she  could  not  live  on  her  pay. 

In  view  of  the  impossibility  of  determining  finally  the  pres- 
ence and  extent  of  outside  earnings  of  this  character,  no  bud- 
gets were  analyzed  where  expenditures  clearly  exceeded  the 
possible  shop  income.  It  was  inevitable  that  some  such  bud- 
gets, where  outside  earnings  were  small,  should  have  entered 
the  study.  This  probably  explains  part  of  the  cases  where  little 
or  nothing  is  reported  to  be  spent  for  dress,  as  well  as  some  of 
the  budgets  of  women  said  to  be  receiving  partial  support. 

Rent. 

Expenditure  for  shelter  is  the  most  standardized  feature  of 
the  average  budget.  It  is  easily  possible  for  a  girl  to  tell  what 
she  pays  for  room  rent,  when  often  she  herself  has  small  notion 
of  the  cost  of  food,  clothing,  or  recreation  in  her  budget. 

Roughly  in  two-thirds  of  instances  rent  and  food  were  re- 
ported as  a  lump  sum.  These  estimates  will  be  considered  in  a 
separate  section.  They  are  nearly  always  lower  than  where 
food  and  rent  are  divided  from  each  other  in  budgets. 

The  New  Orleans  woman  who  is  entirely  supporting  herself 
pays  an  average  of  $7.70  for  rent  each  month.  This  is  about 
$1.85  per  week,  or  much  more  than  she  would  be  allowed  under 
the  subsistence  wage  of  Charity  A  (see  foregoing  section).  That 
the  worker  must  meet  this  expense  at  a  higher  rate  than  a 
"living  wage"  would  warrant,  indicates  that  sanitation  and 
decency  cannot  well  be  secured  for  a  lower  sum. 

41 


The  separate  rent  figure  is  frequently  for  an  entire  family. 
"Working  mothers  themselves  carry  the  rent  expense.  Older 
women  supporting  sisters  or  other  relatives  keep  up  the  home 
financially. 

The  worker  who  is  partially  supported  seldom  pays  rent. 
When  she  does  the  average  figure  is  lower — $5  monthly,  or 
$1.10  weekly.  The  worker  in  Louisiana  outside  New  Orleans, 
too,  has  a  slightly  easier  rent  problem.  Her  rent  figures  at  an 
average  of  $7.42  monthly,  or  about  10  cents  weekly  less  than 
the  New  Orleans  woman. 

For  New  Orleans  self-supporting  workers  an  average  of 
$20.44  is  paid  each  month  for  food.  This  is  equal  to  about  68 
cents  a  day,  or  well  above  what  the  wage  levels  given  by  the 
charities  would  make  possible.  The  size  of  this  figure,  which  is 
practically  the  same  for  New  Orleans  and  the  remainder  of 
Louisiana,  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the  women  paying  separately 
for  food  and  rent  are  in  most  instances  the  heads  of  families, 
and  as  such  must  devote  a  larger  proportion  of  their  pay  to  the 
primary  necessities  of  food  and  shelter. 

In  many  cases  these  women  report  no  expenditures  what- 
ever for  clothes.  They  collect  cast-offs,  or  make  clothes  from 
any  available  remnant  of  goods,  old  or  new.  Sometimes  these 
people  make  clothing  out  of  bags  or  other  goods  begged  from 
the  shop. 

Here  is  a  budget  for  a  widow  working  in  a  cotton  mill, 
earning  $8  weekly. 

Rent  _ $  4.00 

Food   16.00 

Fuel  and  Light 3.00 

Insurance  _ 1.00 

Care  2  children  in  asylum 4.00 

Day  nursery  for  2  children 5.00 


$33.00 


Instances  of  such  privation  as  this  are,  happily,  rare. 
Workers  who  are  partially  supported  at  home  seldom  pay  any- 
thing for  food.    When  they  do,  the  average  is  about  $9  monthly. 


42 


Rent  and  Food. 

Roughly  two-thirds  of  working  women  pay  for  food  and 
rent  in  a  lump  sum.  This  includes  mainly  women  who  are  the 
chief  earners  in  their  families,  and  who  turn  over  a  lump  sum 
to  the  administrator  of  the  family  budget.  The  average  spent 
in  this  way  is,  for  New  Orleans,  $20.90.  Women  who  are  par- 
tially supported  spend,  if  anything,  from  $12  to  $15  monthly 
on  these  items. 

As  rent  and  food  are  the  major  items  in  the  budget,  it  is 
advisable  to  correlate  the  facts  concerning  them  at  this  point. 

1.  Rent  and  food  form  60  per  cent  of  the  average  budget. 
In  the  budget  of  the  Louisiana  working  girl  they  take  up  70 
per  cent.  This  means  simply  that,  to  meet  the  primary  neces- 
sities, the  items  of  clothing,  medical  care,  savings,  recreation, 
etc.,  are  slighted  or  omitted  altogether. 

2.  Taking  into  consideration  the  many  budgets  in  which 
food  and  rent  are  undivided,  we  may  indicate  $9  monthly  for 
rent  and  $16  for  food  as  the  average  which  the  self-supporting 
woman  worker  must  pay. 

3.  It  is  notable  that  this  is  almost  exactly  the  estimate 
given  by  Charity  B  for  the  cost  to  women  of  board  and  rent 
per  month. 

4.  On  a  $6  weekly,  or  bare  subsistence  wage,  this  expendi- 
ture would  take  up  85  per  cent  of  the  total  income  ,leaving  but 
$4  monthly  for  all  other  items. 

5.  There  is  some  variation  between  industries  in  this  re- 
spect. The  department  store  sales  girl,  for  example,  spends 
more  for  rent  each  month  and  less  for  food,  than  the  average. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  her  work  is  less  physically  fatiguing 
and  so  requires  less  food.  Moreover  several  of  the  larger  stores 
have  low-price  lunch-rooms  where  she  can  get  good  food  at  low 
cost.  An  average  expenditure  for  food  of  50  cents  per  day, 
however,  undoubtedly  means  undernourishment  for  thost- 
spending  less  than  the  average. 

6.  Telephone  operators  and  bank  clerks  show  the  highest 
standard  of  living,  while  at  the  other  extreme  are  found  work- 
ers in  candy  and  food  manufacturing,  "cash  girls''  and  other 
clerical  workers  in  department  stores,  and  laundry  employes. 

43 


All  these  report  expenditures  falling  below  a  normal  average 
for  healthful  living. 

7.  If  these  budgets  be  compared  with  standards  in  North- 
ern states  they  will  be  found  inadequate  to  cover  the  bare  cost 
of  living.  This,  however,  has  not  been  attempted  in  this  report 
for  the  reason  that  the  slightly  lowered  costs  and  radically 
lower  living  standards  which  are  found  among  the  laboring 
class  in  the  South  make  a  direct  comparison  valueless.  It  is 
more  fruitful  to  compare  budgets  with  charity  and  scientific 
standards  which  have  been  established  for  this  specific  locality. 

Clothing. 

About  one-fifth  of  Louisiana  women  in  industry  report  no 
part  of  their  wage  as  spent  on  clothes.  Part  of  these  undoubt- 
edly belong  to  the  class  receiving  outside  earnings,  as  men- 
tioned above.  Part  belong  to  the  very  most  destitute  and 
burdened  group  of  all,  the  workers  in  laundries  and  some  fac- 
tories, the  widows  and  other  working  mothers. 

For  the  rest  the  average  spent  is  $6.80  for  New  Orleans  and 
$7.68  for  the  rest  of  the  state.  Women  receiving  partial  sup- 
port spend  more.  In  these  cases  clothing  often  takes  $13  or 
more  of  the  monthly  income. 

Probably  a  fair  average  for  the  state  as  a  whole,  taking 
into  account  those  reporting  no  expenditures  for  this  purpose, 
would  be  $7  monthly. 

Carfare  and  Incidentals. 

Carfare  expense  is  found  in  about  one-half  of  all  of  New 
Orleans  budgets  studied.  This  amounts  to  from  $3  to  $4 
monthly.    An  average  is  $3.55. 

Next  to  carfare,  the  expense  most  commonly  found  is  insur- 
ance, which  is  an  item  in  about  one-third  of  the  budgets  studied. 
This  expense  amounts  to  an  average  of  $1.47  monthly  for  those 
carrying  it.  Curiously  enough,  it  seems  to  be  most  frequently 
found  in  the  lowest  group  of  incomes,  and  here  it  means  with- 
out question  a  real  deprivation  on  the  part  of  the  worker.  This 
insurance  is  membership  in  the  "associations,"  so  popular 
among  colored  workers  of  both  sexes,  and  here  shown  to  be 
popular  among  white  workers  as  well.  As  indication  of  some 
degree   of  providence,   it   is   commendable.      As   a   means    of 

44 


shrinking  an  already  starved  income,  expenditure  for  insur- 
ance becomes  of  questionable  advantage. 

About  three-tenths  of  employes  report  something  spent  for 
"incidentals,"  including  doctors'  bills,  washing,  toilet  necessi- 
ties, etc.,  etc.  As  might  be  expected,  this  item  looms  largest  in 
the  expenditures  of  partially  supported  workers,  and  of  tele- 
phone operators,  sales  girls,  and  others  of  the  higher  class  of 
workers ;  it  averages  about  $6  monthly. 

One  worker  out  of  four  saves,  and  these  savings  were  re- 
ported in  the  great  majority  of  cases  as  payments  for  Liberty 
Bonds,  War  Savings  Stamps,  and  Christmas  savings  clubs. 
Here  again  the  expenditure  of  money  for  savings  often  means 
a  direct  deprivation  of  necessities,  unless  the  worker  disposes 
of  her  securities  at  a  loss  almost  before  she  has  paid  for  them 
fully.  About  one-third  of  partially  supported  workers  save, 
and  their  average  saving  is  $4.96  monthly,  as  against  $3.30  for 
the  self-supporting  group. 

"Church  and  charity"  is  a  more  frequent  source  of  expense 
than  recreation.  Three  women  out  of  20  spend  an  average  of 
$1.11  monthly  on  the  former,  and  while  only  one  woman  out 
of  10  gives  recreation  any  place  in  the  budget,  and  then  the 
average  reported  is  only  $1.66,  or  about  40  cents  per  week. 
Partially  supported  women  are  able  to  spend  more  frequently 
and  abundantly  for  these  two  items.  They  report  $1.28  (aver- 
age) for  church  and  charity  and  $2.23  for  recreation,  and  in 
this  case  about  one-third  of  all  workers  report  such  expen- 
ditures. 

Other  expense,  such  as  "light  and  fuel,"  is  reported  but 
very  seldom  in  any  group.  The  average  wage  income  is  about 
$30  monthly,  or  about  $7  weekly.  For  self-supporting  women 
in  Louisiana  outside  New  Orleans  it  is  slightly  higher. 

From  these  figures  it  is  possible  to  make  up  average  budgets 
for  working  women,  as  follows : 


45 


Average  Budgets,  from  Analysis  of  692  Records  of  Actual 
Expenditures — Louisiana,  1919. 

Self-Supporting.  Partially  Supported. 

New  Louisiana  New  Louisiana 

Orleans.  Outside  N.  O.  Orleans.  Outside  N.  O. 

Rent $   6.00  $   6.00  $   3.00  $   3.00 

Food    16.00  16.90  12.00  9.00 

Clothing    5.10  7.00  9.00  12.00 

All  Other  2.30  4.45  6.00  5.00 

Total $29.40  $34.35  $30.00  $29.00 

It  will  be. noted  these  figures  are  higher  than  those  permis- 
sible under  the  minimum  subsistence  level  of  $6  weekly,  and 
lower  than  those  possible  under  a  $9  weekly  minimum  comfort 
wage.  But  it  must  be  remembered  that  about  half  of  all  ex- 
penditures fall  below  this  average,  and  that  a  large  number  of 
budgets  show  graphically  how  girls  "get  along"  on  less  than  a 
bare  living  wage.  Under  these  budgets,  the  worker  may  spend 
but  $1  a  day  for  all  the  necessities  of  life.  About  55  cents  of 
this  dollar  goes  for  food,  20  cents  for  rent,  15  cents  for  clothing, 
and  10  cents  for  all  other  necessities. 

Conditions  might  be  called  commendable  if  the  average 
budget  were  the  minimum  budget.  But  for  every  woman  whose 
expenditures  meet  or  exceed  the  above  standard  there  is  an- 
other whose  expenditures  fall  below.  In  the  next  section  will 
be  shown  what  wages  are  actually  paid  and  what  proportion 
of  workers  fall  below  a  minimum  wage  of  $6,  or  a  minimum 
comfort  wage  of  $9  weekly. 


46 


WAGES  AND  COST  OF  LIVING. 
IV. 

Wages  Actually  Paid. 

In  1914  a  wage  study  was  made  in  New  Orleans  by  the  Con- 
sumer's League.  This  study  analyzed  wages  actually  being 
paid  in  a  number  of  New  Orleans  industries.  It  did  not  figure 
dependency  conditions  or  the  cost  of  living,  and  so  has  not 
been  of  service  in  making  comparisons  in  foregoing  sections  of 
this  chapter. 

Thru  the  data  on  actual  wages  gathered  by  the  1914 
study  it  is  possible  to  determine  how  much  women's  wages 
have  advanced  in  the  past  five  years.  We  know  that  the  cost 
of  living  has  risen  approximately  50  per  cent  in  this  period.* 
Have  wages  risen  less,  as  much,  or  more? 

In  all  analysis  of  wages  four  groups  were  used — wages 
under  $6  weekly,  $6  and  under  $11,  $11  and  under  $16,  and 
$16  and  over.  Median  wages  were  also  calculated  to  show  the 
"half-way  point"  in  wages,  or  the  point  at  which  half  employes 
are  receiving  more  and  half  less  than  a  standard. 

A  few  employers  refused  to  give  out  wage  information.  All 
wages  as  stated  by  employers  were  checked  by  the  statement 
of  employes,  except  in  a  few  shops  where  employe  data  was 
not  secured. 

Real  Wages  20  Per  Cent  Higher. 

Whereas  in  1914,  56  per  cent  of  all  women  employed  were 
receiving  under  $6  weekly,  in  1919  only  12  per  cent  are  receiv- 
ing under  $6.  Whereas  in  1914  only  8  per  cent  of  employes 
(about  1  out  of  12)  received  $11  or  more,  in  1919,  34  per  cent 
(or  1  out  of  3)  received  this  amount  or  more. 

The  median  wage  in  1914  was  $5.  In  1919  it  is  $9,  or  80 
per  cent  higher. 

The  cost  of  living  in  this  period  has  risen  about  50  per  cent. 
Had  wages  risen  just  enough  to  meet  increased  costs  the  median 


*National  Industrial  Conference  Board  Report  No.  9  says  52.3  per  cent.  Charity 
A  says  40  per  cent.  Charity  B  says  50  per  cent.  U.  S.  Labor  Bureau  of  Labor  Sta- 
tistics (index  numbers)  indicate  50  per  cent.  The  figure  which  has  been  adopted  is 
50  per  cent.. 

47 


today  would  be  $7.50.  The  difference  between  $7.50  and  $9,  or 
the  figure  to  which  the  median  has  actually  risen,  is  20  per  cent. 

It  may  therefore  be  said  that  a  20  per  cent  gain  in  real 
wages  has  been  made ;  that  the  woman  employed  to-day  is  one- 
fifth  better  off  than  she  was  in  1914. 

The  following  table  presents  the  facts  as  found : 

Scale  of  Wages  for  Women,  From  Employers'  Records, 
1914  and  1919. 

Louisiana 

New  Orleans,  New  Orleans,  Outside  N.  O., 

1914.  1919.  1919. 

No.    Per  Cent.  No.    Per  Cent.  No.    Per  Cent. 

Total  Workers  Analyzed 5,365        100  10.556        100  1,755        100 

No.   Rec'g  Under   $6   Weekly 3,023           56  1,303           12  162             9 

No.  Rec'g  $6  and  Under  $11 1,925          36  5,634          54  856          49 

No.  Rec'g  $11  and  Under  $16 304             6  2,664           25  451           26 

No.  Rec'g  $16  and  Over 113            2  955            9  286          16 

Median  Wage  $5  $9  $10 

The  progress  revealed  by  these  findings  cannot  be  too 
highly  commended.  It  is  true  that  the  employer  has  ordinarily 
been  forced  to  increased  wages  by  the  scarcity  of  labor.  Also, 
his  profits  have  ordinarily  more  than  compensated  for  an  in- 
creased labor  cost.  Nevertheless,  all  credit  must  be  given  to 
emplo3rers  who  have  had  vision  and  fairness  sufficient  to  raise 
wages  even  beyond  the  minimum  demands  of  the  worker. 

Thruout  the  country  the  rise  in  wages  has  been  often 
more  specious  than  actual.  New  industries  have  paid  at  very 
high  rates,  and  on  the  close  of  the  war  such  industries  have 
gone  out  of  existence,  leaving  women  workers  in  general  very 
little  better  off  than  before. 

But  in  New  Orleans  no  strictly  war  industries  have  been 
developed.  The  increase  in  wages  has  been  fairly  steady.  It 
is  a  credit  to  New  Orleans  and  Louisiana  employers  that  a  real 
advance  in  the  direction  of  living  wages  has  been  made. 

The  war,  however,  has  been  a  period  of  fluctuation,  in  which 
changes  could  be  made  more  rapidly  than  formerly.  It  is  pos- 
sible that  the  next  five  years  will  not  see  as  great  an  increase 
in  real  wages,  so  that  eventually  more  wages  will  fall  below  a 
subsistence  level.  Means  of  precluding  this  possibility  should 
be  taken. 


48 


New  Orleans  and  the  Rest  of  the  State. 

A  surprising  fact  is  that  wages  of  women  in  Louisiana  out- 
side of  New  Orleans  are  on  the  average  higher  than  those  within 
New  Orleans.  This  finding  was  contrary. to  all  expectations, 
as  the  cost  of  living  tends  to  be  lower  in  smaller  cities  and 
villages,  and  wages  are  ordinarily  found  correspondingly  low. 

One  explanation  of  this  fact  is  that  women  thruout  the 
state  are  found  more  frequently  in  banks  and  offices,  where 
their  work  requires  a  good  degree  of  training  and  education. 
Another  possible  explanation  is  found  if,  as  is  often  asserted, 
the  cost  of  living  in  certain  of  the  smaller  cities  of  Louisiana 
is  actually  higher  than  that  of  New  Orleans. 

Whatever  the  explanation,  it  is  a  significant  fact  that  em- 
ployers in  the  smaller  communities  of  the  state  are  finding  it 
possible  to  pay  wages  in  excess  of  those  paid  in  the  larger  city. 

Wages  by  Industries. 

An  analysis  of  median  wages,  and  per  cent  receiving  under 
$6  weekly,  was  made  for  various  industries,  to  see  where  most 
progress  had  been  made,  and  in  what  industries  conditions  were 
above  or  below  normal. 

The  1914  study  included  as  separate  industries  only  bag 
factories,  department  stores,  cigar  and  tobacco  factories,  laun- 
dries, and  telephone  exchanges.  A  complete  comparison  can- 
not therefore  be  made. 


49 


Comparison  of  Wages  by  Industries — Louisiana,  1919. 

(For  explanation  of  heads  see  introduction.) 


Per  Cent  Receiving  Less 

Than    $6    Weekly.  Median  Wage- 


Louisiana  Louisiana 

New  New  Outside  New  New  Outside 

Orleans,  Orleans,  N.  O.,    Orleans,  Orleans,     N.  O., 

INDUSTRY.                                      1914.  1919.  1919.  1914.  1919.  1919. 

Total 56%  12%  9%  $5  $9  $10 

Bag   Manufacturing   77%  1%         4  10             

Banks    and    Agencies 2%  5%  ....  12  18 

Can    Manufacturing 0%         ....  9             

Candy   Manufacturing    26%         ....  7             

Cigars  and  Tobacco 52%  11%        5  10            

Clothing    Manufacturing    12%  53%  ....  8  5 

Cotton   Mills   1%         ....  10             

fDomestics    and    Personal    Service 0%         ....  10             

Dry  Goods  52%  14%  7%  5  8  10 

Food    Manufacturing    15%  2%  ....  7  10 

Hotels 16%  30%  ....  7  6 

Laundries    81%  38%  13%  4  6  6 

Manufacturing  and  Mechanical, 

Miscellaneous 61%  27%  1%  5  6  12 

*Mine    0%  ....  ....  9 

Printing  and   Publishing 13%         ....  12             

Professional  Service  10%  9%  ....  9  7 

Restaurants    6%  5%  ....  9  10 

Trade,    Miscellaneous    0%  7%  ....  10  12 

Transportation    26%  0%  1%  8  13  11 


tOutside  of  homes. 

*Clerical  and  restaurant  work. 

Four  industries  in  New  Orleans,  and  one  in  the  rest  of 
Louisiana,  are  listed  as  having  no  employes  receiving  less  than 
$6  per  week.  These  are  can  manufacturing,  miscellaneous  do- 
mestic and  personal  service  (outside  of  homes),  printing  and 
publishing,  and  transportation,  and  for  the  state  outside  New 
Orleans,  clerical  and  domestic  service  work  in  the  single  sulphur 
mine  which  was  inspected. 

Three  industries  in  New  Orleans  and  two  outside  have  over 
one-fourth  of  employes  earning  less  than  $6  weekly.  These  are 
(New  Orleans)  candy  factories,  miscellaneous  manufactures, 
and  laundries;  and  (Louisiana  outside  New  Orleans)  clothing 
manufactures,  and  hotels. 

Bag  manufactories,  banks  and  agencies,  cotton  mills,  and 
"miscellaneous  trade,"  including  drug  stores,  florists,  grocer- 
ies, etc.,  stand  high  in  having  a  small  proportion  of  extremely 
low-paid  wage-earners.     Industries  which  fall  below  standard 

50 


are  clothing  manufacturing,  department  stores,  food  manufac- 
turing (including  biscuit  firms,  nut  pickeries,  coffee,  tea  and 
spice  manufacture,  etc.),  hotels,  and  "professional  service'' 
(doctors,  lawyers,  theaters,  photographers,  etc.) 

Roughly,  the  low-paid  industries  of  five  years  ago  are  the 
lowest  paid  now.  The  laundries  remain  the  worst  offenders. 
The  bag  factories,  formerly  below  average,  are  now  above.  The 
department  stores  are  slightly  better  than  average.  The  tele- 
phone exchanges,  which  were  the  best  group  studied  in  1914, 
are  at  the  head  today. 

Median  Wage  Shows  Variation. 

The  median  wage,  which  averages  80  per  cent  higher  today 
than  in  1914,  shows  considerable  fluctuations  between  indus- 
tries, from  the  laundries  and  miscellaneous  manufacturing  pay- 
ing a  median  wage  of  $6  weekly,  to  the  telephone  companies 
paying  $13,  or  over  twice  as  much.  Outside  New  Orleans  the 
clothing  industry  holds  last  place,  and  banks  and  agencies 
the  first. 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  increase  in  laundry  median  wage 
(50  per  cent)  has  been  barely  sufficient  to  cover  the  increase 
in  cost  of  living.  In  miscellaneous  manufacturing  it  has  been 
but  20  per  cent.  This  means  that  there  has  actually  been  a 
decrease  in  real  wages  since  1914  in  these  establishments. 

The  largest  increase  in  real  wages  is  found  in  the  bag  fac- 
tories, with  a  total  increase  of  150  per  cent,  or  in  real  wages 
of  66  per  cent.  Outside  of  New  Orleans  the  clothing,  hotels 
and  laundries  pay  poorly. 

A  summary  table  shows  the  industries  compared  to  one 
another  and  to  conditions  five  years  ago : 


51 


Summary  Table — Wages  by  Industries. 

LOUISIANA  OUTSIDE 
NEW   ORLEANS.                      NEW  ORLEANS. 
Bag   Manufacturing Great  increase  since  1914.     

Slightly   above   average 

at  present. 

Banks   and   Agencies Always    above    average Very  well  paid. 

Can  Manufacturing Minimum   wage   higher  

than    average.      Average 

in  median   wage  paid. 

Candy  Manufacturing Low   wages  - -, 

Cigars  and  Tobacco Average  5  years  ago;   now     

well    above   average ; 

wages  doubled  in   5   years. 
Clothing  Manufacturing Above  average  or  slightly        Very  low  wages. 

below. 

Cotton    Mills   Comparatively    high    wages 

fDomestic  and  Personal  Comparatively    high    wages 

Service. 
Dry   Goods   Increase  in  5   years  only       Wages  are  average  to  fair. 

barely   sufficient    to   meet 

cost   of  living.      Wages 

below  average. 

Food   Manufacturing Low   wages  Fairlv   good   wages. 

Hotels    Low  wages  Much   below   average   in 

wages  paid. 
Laundries   Very  low  wages.      Small  Very  low  wages. 

increase   in   5   years. 
Manufacturing   and   Me-  Very  low;  decrease  in  real     Good   wages;    above   average, 

chanical,    Miscellaneous.  wages   since    1914. 

*Mine Wages  slightly  below  a  vera  get 

Printing    and    Publishing! High   wages:    well   above  

average. 

Professional    Service    Slightly    below    average Slightly   below   average. 

Restaurants    Average   or    slightly    above. ...Slightly  above  average. 

Trade,   Miscellaneous  Well  above  average Well  above  average. 

Transportation    Increase   in   5   years  not  

high,   but  wages  always 

above  average. 


tOutside  of  homes. 

*Clerical  and  restaurant  work. 

JFood  free,  so  that  real  wages  are  average  or  above. 

As  is  indicated  in  the  introduction,  these  findings  do  not 
include  every  establishment  in  a  given  industry.  It  is  felt, 
however,  that  the  showing  in  each  group  is  representative. 
The  introduction  gives  figures  to  show  what  proportion  of 
employes  are  included  in  this  study. 

Wages  by  Occupations. 

Within  a  given  establishment  there  may  be  workers  in  any 
sort  of  occupation.  A  department  store,  for  example,  contains 
manufacturers,  or  trimmers  of  hats ;  transportation  clerks,  or 
telephone  and  telegraph  operators ;  trades  people,  or  sales  girls ; 

52 


professionals,  such  as  nurses,  accountants,  etc. ;  domestic  and 
personal  servants,  cleaners,  cooks  and  waitresses  (outside  of 
homes)  ;  and  clerical  workers  in  office  and  cash  girls. 

An  industry  includes  all  occupations  which  may  be  found 
within  it.  But  the  clerical  workers,  the  operators,  and  the 
cleaning  women  are  ordinarily  paid  on  entirely  different  scales. 
Workers  have  therefore  been  regrouped  according  to  occupa- 
tions, to  see  how  occupations  compare  in  remuneration : 

Comparison  of  Wages  by  Occupations — Louisiana,  1919. 

Per  Cent   Receiving   Under   $6   Weekly.  Median  Wage 

Louisiana  Louisiana 

New  Orleans.      Outside  N.  O.  New  Orleans.  Outside  N.  O. 

Total 12%                    5%  $9  $10 

Manufacturing    and    Mech'cal..      11%                   2%  8  10 

Transportation    1%                    7%  12  13 

Trade     9%                  10%  8  10 

Professional   Service   12%                 24%  10  7 

Domestic  and  Personal  Service     24%                   7%  7  6 

Clerical    10%                 11%  11  15 

The  clerical  workers  and  the  telephone  and  telegraph  opera- 
tors stand  at  the  top  of  the  list,  with  median  wages  of  $11  and 
$12  respectively  ($13  and  $15  in  Louisiana  outside  of  New 
Orleans).  Next,  for  New  Orleans,  comes  the  professional  serv- 
ice, with  a  median  wage  slightly  above  average. 

Here,  as  in  specific  industries,  it  is  seen  that  the  forms  of 
work  most  allied  to  housework  are  the  poorest  paid.  With  the 
exception  of  waitresses  receiving  tips,  these  people  are  under- 
paid to  the  extent  that  one-fourth  of  them  receive  actually  less 
than  a  bare  living  wage. 

Yet  this  occupation  contains  also  the  greatest  proportion  of 
working  mothers  (29  per  cent;  average  for  all  groups,  14  per 
cent)  ;  its  members  carry  the  burden  of  dependents  to  a  degree 
higher  than  that  in  other  groups,  and  the  hours  are  notably 
longer  for  "domestic  and  personal  service"  workers,  so  that 
in  fact  most  of  the  working  weeks  of  an  undue  length  fall 
within  this  group. 

Here,  as  in  so  many  other  instances,  we  see  that  the  workers 
who  have  the  heaviest  burden  in  one  thing  are  in  the  worst 
position  in  all  other  respects.  The  workers  in  the  poorest  paid 
occupations  suffer  also  under  most  overwork  and  the  greatest 
burden  of  motherhood  and  dependency. 

It  is  a  fact  that  about  half  of  these  low-wage  workers  are 
colored,  and  so  subject  to  lower  standards  and  poorer  condi- 

53 


tions  than  the  average  white  worker.  But  apart  from  the  ques- 
tion of  justice  to  workers  of  whatever  race,  there  is  the  ques- 
tion whether  the  white  workers  in  this  group  should  be  made 
to  meet  the  lower  standards  of  colored  labor. 

The  Lowest  Paid  Workers. 

It  has  been  seen  that  1,303,  or  12  per  cent,  of  the  New 
Orleans  women  workers  from  whom  records  were  obtained  are 
paid  less  than  a  subsistence  wage,  and  nearly  half  (48  per  cent) 
receive  less  than  a  minimum  comfort  income. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  the  conditions  among  employes 
receiving  under  $6  weekly.  Are  these  the  girls  under  18 
whose  services  are  not  "worth"  any  more  to  the  employer? 
Are  these  the  "home  girls,"  receiving  partial  support  from 
their  families?  Are  these  in  the  main  short-hour  workers, 
where  type  of  employment  compensates  for  poverty  of  pay  ? 

Forty-one  per  cent  of  workers  receiving  under  $6  per  week 
are  under  18  years  old,  where  only  18  per  cent  of  the  total 
number  of  workers  studied  are  under  18  years  of  age.  The  first 
two  wage  groups  (under  $6,  $6  and  under  $11)  account  for  95 
per  cent  of  all  workers  of  less  than  18  years  old. 

It  is  therefore  plain  that  youth  is  a  factor  in  swelling  the 
ranks  of  those  receiving  less  than  sufficient  for  healthful  sub- 
sistence. But  what  of  the  59  per  cent  in  this  wage  group  who 
are  over  18?  There  are  estimated  to  be  780  workers  among  the 
10,556  studied  who  are  over  18  and  who  receive  less  than  a 
living  wage.  Is  it  fair  that  these  older  women  should  not  re- 
ceive sufficient  for  bare  subsistence? 

In  this  group  we  find  that  14  per  cent  are  working  mothers. 
Forty-three  per  cent  are  contributing  to  the  support  of,  or 
actually  supporting,  dependents.  One  out  of  each  three  is  the 
chief  wage-earner  in  her  family.  And  23  per  cent,  or  almost 
one  out  of  four,  work  ten  hours  a  day  or  longer. 

It  is  readily  seen  that  the  low-wage  worker  is  not  the  child, 
is  not  exempt  from  the  burden  of  dependency,  long  hours  and 
other  untoward  conditions. 

In  Louisiana  outside  of  New  Orleans,  conditions  in  the  group 
of  workers  receiving  under  $6  a  week  are  even  worse.  Here 
26  per  cent  are  under  18  years  old.  Nineteen  per  cent  are 
working  mothers.  Thirty-six  per  cent  support,  or  help  support, 
dependents;  and  69  per  cent  work  10  hours  a  day. 

54 


WAGES  AND  COST  OF  LIVING. 
V. 

Remedies. 

The  mere  fact  that  more  under-paid  workers  were  found 
five  years  ago,  while  it  excuses  present  conditions  to  some  ex- 
tent, does  not  palliate  or  deny  them.  Progress  has  been  made, 
under  abnormal  conditions  of  labor  supply  and  production 
necessity.  Now  peace  has  come,  with  a  plentitude  of  labor  and 
a  temporarily  decreased  demand  for  the  products  of  industry, 
progress  should  not  cease. 

The  Employer's  Side. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  burden  on  the  employer  which 
a  minimum  wage  of  $9  weekly  would  impose.  Many  will  say 
that  their  shops  would  be  forced  to  close ;  others,  that  prices  to 
the  public  (as  for  dry  goods,  laundry  service,  etc.)  would  have 
to  go  up  to  impossible  heights. 

A  few  employers  do  at  present  meet  this  standard.  It  is  not 
generally  recognized  how  many  "minimum  wages"  are  at  pres- 
ent in  use  in  New  Orleans  in  individual  shops.  A  girl  going 
into  the  large  cotton  mill,  candy  or  bag  factories,  is  given  a 
wage  of  from  $1  to  $1.75  daily  in  various  shops,  even  tho  she 
would  earn  far  less  than  this  at  piece  rates,  even  tho  she  is 
not  "worth"  that  much  to  the  employer.  This  is  done  largely 
because  of  the  employer's  desire  to  attract  labor,  but  it 
also  indicates  his  recognition  of  the  fact  that  a  starved  girl 
cannot  learn  to  become  an  efficient  operative.  It  does  not  seem 
to  interfere  seriously  with  business  economy. 

The  employer,  on  the  whole,  will  pay  his  workers  what  he 
has  to  pay.  If  the  necessity  rises  he  will  pay  more,  and  if  this 
leads  to  bankruptcy  or  the  reduction  of  profits  he  will  suffer. 

But  do  increased  wages  in  practice  mean  business  priva- 
tions? In  the  state  of  "Washington  a  minimum  wage  of  $13.20 
weekly,  for  women  over  18,  has  recently  been  fixed  by  the 
Industrial  Welfare  Commission.  No  harvest  of  business  fail- 
ures has  been  reaped.  And  yet  $13.20  weekly  certainly  means 
to  Washington  as  much  of  a  readjustment  as  $9  weekly  would 
mean  here. 

55 


The  question  of  the  effect  on  business  of  a  general  change 
in  wages  is  a  proper  one.  So  is  the  question  of  a  change  in  the 
economic  status  of  the  hundreds  of  inarticulate  working  moth- 
ers and  widows  who  are  to  be  found  in  our  city  and  state. 

Business  men  have  been  making  great  profits  out  of  the  war. 
Working  women  have  also  profited  in  a  higher  standard  of 
living.  It  would  seem  that  the  time  to  make  further  progress 
is  the  present,  before  inertia  has  slackened  industrial  progress. 

How  Shall  Wages  Be  Raised? 

There  are  in  general  three  possible  agencies  for  raising 
wages;  the  employer,  the  employe,  and  the  public. 

The  employer  has  an  inevitable  reluctance  to  raise  wages. 
A  very  small  individual  increase  means  a  very  much  larger 
production  cost.  Donations  to  charity  appear  in  the  lump.  But 
wage  increases  are  insidiously  small  individually  and  large 
collectively,  and  may  lead  the  employe  to  make  further,  more 
exorbitant  demands. 

Individual  employers  may  do  much.  One  of  the  pleasantest 
features  of  the  present  survey  was  its  discovery  of  employers 
who  were  modern-minded,  advanced,  cognizant  of  the  economic 
advantage  of  good  conditions,  even  with  regard  to  wages.  But 
in  many  cases  these  employers  were  deterred  by  loyalty  to 
their  group,  by  fear  of  the  future,  by  any  of  numerous  consid- 
erations, from  making  a  non-compulsory  step  in  the  direction 
of  higher  wages.  The  war  wage  advance  has  been  forced  by 
conditions,  and  enlightened  employers  have  met  it  gladly. 

It  is  a  fact  that  the  enlightened  employers  are  already  pay- 
ing fair  wages,  while  the  others  whose  wage  scales  most  need 
raising  are  the  least  modern-minded  and  progressive. 

Can  the  employe  do  more  ?  Much  has  been  accomplished  by 
the  increase  in  individual  demands  for  pay,  or,  perhaps  more 
truly,  by  the  scarcity  of  labor  in  shops  where  increased  pay 
was  not  forthcoming.  Yet  on  the  return  to  "normal"  labor 
conditions,  of  supply  far  exceeding  the  demand,  the  individual 
can  do  little. 

Organized  labor  is  in  a  better  position  to  make  and  enforce 
demands,  just  or  unjust.  But  women  in  New  Orleans  are  prac- 
tically unorganized.    A  Women's  Trade  Union  League,  such  as 

56 


that  which,  sponsored  in  its  beginning  by  Mrs.  Raymond  Rob- 
ins, is  not  in  existence  here. 

The  organization  of  workers  is  a  long  but  probably  inevita- 
ble process.  It  is  perhaps  the  only  democratic  means  of  edu- 
cating the  worker  herself  to  an  efficient  point  of  view,  to  an 
understanding  of  labor  conditions  and  needs.  Thru  this 
means  she  will  learn  to  see  her  own  and  the  employer's  view- 
point intelligently,  and  will  be  able  to  take  her  place  as  an 
effective  factor  in  determining  her  own  living  and  working 
conditions. 

Under  wise  leadership,  organization  would  educate  the  em- 
ploye to  present  her  case  more  clearly  and  intelligently.  And 
one  of  the  inevitable  effects  would  be  to  continue  the  process 
of  increasing  wages. 

It  remains  to  consider  what  the  public  can  or  should  do  to 
see  to  it  that  no  wage  falls  below  a  subsistence  level,  or  a  level 
of  minimum  comfort. 

The  first  impulse  is  toward  the  flat  minimum  wage,  estab- 
lishing a  fixed  standard  for  all  working  women.  No  doubt 
such  a  solution  is  the  quickest  and  simplest.  It  cuts  the  gor- 
dian  knot. 

But  there  are  a  number  of  objections  to  the  fixed  minimum 
wage.  In  the  first  place,  it  offers  difficulties  of  enforcement. 
In  the  second  place,  it  does  not  take  into  consideration  special 
features  of  individual  industries,  and  so  may  work  undue  hard- 
ship to  a  small  or  large  group.  In  the  third  place,  it  quickly 
becomes  antiquated,  and,  with  a  legislature  which  meets  only 
once  in  two  years,  it  is  not  flexible  between  sessions. 

There  seems  to  be  a  real  need  for  a  permanent,  impartial 
body,  vested  with  some  executive  powers  to  study  conditions 
scientifically  and  to  establish  standards  for  an  industry,  occu- 
pation, or  group  of  industries,  in  regard  to  wages,  hours,  or 
other  conditions  of  labor. 

Such  commissions  have  been  tried  in  several  states,  notably 
California  and  Washington.  Other  states  have  established 
commissions  to  consider  wages  alone,  but  there  seems  no  good 
reason  for  separating  wage  adjustments  from  other  questions 
touching  labor. 

The  advantages  of  such  a  commission  are  its  permanency, 
its  smallness,  and  its  quickness  of  response  to  need  for  action. 

57 


The  legislature,  meeting  an  over-crowded  program  once  in  two 
years,  finds  it  hard  to  study  conditions  carefully  and  provide 
for  their  permanent  solution.  Moreover,  it  is  difficult  to  leg- 
islate for  all  industries  together  without  discrimination  against 
some  which  may  be  laboring  under  peculiar  conditions.  A  leg- 
islature, even  a  legislative  committee,  is  unwieldy  and  unscien- 
tific compared  to  a  small  permanent  commission,  established 
with  good  support  and  sufficient  powers. 

Before  such  a  commission  workers  and  employers  alike  re- 
ceive a  fair  hearing.  It  has  the  opportunity  for  careful  study 
and  well-considered  action. 

Minimum  wage  laws  now  exist  in  twelve  states  besides  the 
District  of  Columbia.  These  states  are :  Arkansas,  Wisconsin, 
Minnesota,  California,  Washington,  Oregon,  Nebraska,  Massa- 
chusetts, Colorado,  Ohio,  Utah,  and  Kansas.  Minimum  wage 
laws  have  been  found  most  effective  when  they  have  followed 
the  commission  plan. 

Just  as  no  minimum  wage  law  is  stronger  than  its  agencies 
of  enforcement,  so  no  wage  commission  is  stronger  than  its 
membership  and  its  public  support.  Every  effort  should  be 
made  to  see  to  it  that  an  Industrial  Welfare  Commission,  if 
formed,  is  composed  of  constructive,  public-minded  individuals, 
and  that  it  receives  from  the  press  and  public  publicity,  sym- 
pathy, and  co-operation. 

The  California  law,  which  seems  the  most  comprehensive 
and  scientific,  is  quoted  here.    Points  for  discussion  are : 

1.  Law  denotes  five  commission  members.  Three  might 
be  better,  with  one  of  the  three  a  woman. 

2.  If  a  commission  of  five,  the  State  Commissioner  of  La- 
bor should  perhaps  be  a  member  ex-officio.  Equal  representa- 
tion of  capital  and  labor  might  also  be  provided  for. 

3.  Note  that  the  commission  has  power  to  reduce  legal 
maximum  of  hours  (48  weekly  for  women),  but  not  to  increase 
them. 


58 


California  Statute  Establishing  Industrial  Welfare 
Commission — 1913. 

Section  1.  There  is  hereby  established  a  commission  to  be  known  as  the  Indus- 
trial Welfare  Commission,  hereinafter  called  the  commission.  Said  commission  shall 
be  composed  of  five  persons,  at  least  one  of  whom  shall  be  a  woman,  and  all  of  whom 
shall  be  appointed  by  the  Governor  as  follows :  two  for  the  term  of  one  year,  one  for 
the  term  of  two  years,  one  for  the  term  of  three  years,  and  one  for  the  term  of  four 
years;  provided,  however,  that  at  the  expiration  of  their  respective  terms,  their  suc- 
cessors shall  be  appointed  to  serve  a  full  term  of  four  years.  Any  vacancies  shall  be 
similarly  filled  for  the  unexpired  portion  of  the  term  in  which  vacancy  shall  occur. 
Three  members  of  the  commission  shall  constitute  a  quorum.  A  vacancy  on  the  com- 
mission shall  not  impair  the  right  of  the  remaining  members  to  perform  all  the  duties 
and  exercise  all  the  powers  and  authority  of  the  commission. 

Sec.  2.  The  members  of  said  commission  shall  draw  no  salaries,  but  all  of  said 
members  shall  be  allowed  ten  dollars  per  diem  while  engaged  in  the  performance  of 
their  official  duties.  The  commission  may  employ  a  secretary,  and  such  expert,  clerical 
and  other  assistants  as  may  be  necessary  to  carry  out  the  purposes  of  this  act,  and 
shall  fix  the  compensation  of  such  employes,  and  may,  also,  to  carry  out  such  purposes, 
incur  reasonable  and  necessary  office  and  other  expenses,  including  the  necessary  trav- 
eling expenses  of  the  members  of  the  commission,  of  its  secretary,  of  its  experts,  and 
of  its  clerks  and  other  assistants  and  employes.  All  employes  of  the  commission  shall 
hold  office  at  the  pleasure  of  the  commission. 

Sec.  3.  (a)  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  commission  to  ascertain  the  wages  paid, 
the  hours  and  conditions  of  labor  and  employment  in  the  various  occupations,  trades, 
and  industries  in  which  women  and  minors  are  employed  in  the  State  of  California, 
and  to  make  investigations  into  the  comfort,  health,  safety  and  welfare  of  such  women 
and  minors. 

(b)  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  every  person,  firm  or  corporation  employing  labor  in 
this  state: 

1.  To  furnish  to  the  commission,  at  its  request,  any  and  all  reports  or  informa- 
tion which  the  commission  may  require  to  carry  out  the  purposes  of  this  act,  such 
reports  and  information  to  be  verified  by  the  oath  of  the  person,  or  a  member  of  the 
firm,  or  the  president,  secretary,  or  manager  of  the  corporation  furnishing  the  same, 
if  and  when  so  requested  by  the  commission  or  any  member  thereof. 

2.  To  allow  any  member  of  the  commission,  or  its  secretary,  or  any  of  its  duly 
authorized  experts  or  employes,  free  access  to  the  place  of  business  or  employment  of 
such  person,  firm,  or  corporation,  for  the  purpose  of  making  any  investiagtion  author- 
ized by  this  act,  or  to  make  inspection  of,  or  excerpts  from,  all  books,  reports,  con- 
tracts, pay  rolls,  documents,  or  papers,  of  such  person,  firm  or  corporation  relating  to 
the  employment  of  labor  and  payment  therefor  by  such  person,  firm  or  corporation. 

3.  To  keep  a  register  of  the  names,  ages,  and  residence  addresses  of  all  women 
and  minors  employed. 

(c)  For  the  purposes  of  this  act,  a  minor  is  defined  to  be  a  person  of  either  sex 
under  the  age  of  eighteen  years. 

Sec.  4.  The  commission  may  specify  times  to  hold  public  hearings,  at  which 
times,  employers,  employes,  or  other  interested  persons,  may  appear  and  give  testi- 
mony as  to  the  matter  under  consideration.  The  commission  or  any  member  thereof 
shall  have  power  to  subpoena  witnesses  and  to  administer  oaths.  All  witnesses  sub- 
poenaed by  the  commission  shall  be  paid  the  fees  and  mileage  fixed  by  law  in  civil 
cases.  In  case  of  failure  on  the  part  of  any  person  to  comply  with  any  order  of  the 
commission  or  any  member  thereof,  or  any  subpoena,  or  upon  the  refusal  of  any  wit- 
ness to  testify  to  any  matter  regarding  which  he  may  lawfully  be  interrogated  before 
any  wage  board  or  the  commission,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  superior  court  or  the 
judge  thereof,  on  the  application  of  a  member  of  the  commission,  to  compel  obedience 
in  the  same  manner,  by  contempt  proceedings  or  otherwise  ,that  such  obedience  would 
be  compelled  in  a  proceeding  pending  before  said  coiirt.     The  commission   shall  have 

59 


power  to  make  and  enforce  reasonable  and  proper  rules  of  practice  and  procedure  and 
shall  not  be  bound  by  the  technical  rules  of  evidence. 

Sec.  5.  If,  after  investigation,  the  commission  is  of  the  opinion  that,  in  any 
occupation,  trade,  or  industry,  the  wages  paid  to  women  and  minors  are  inadequate 
to  supply  the  cost  of  proper  living,  or  the  hours  or  conditions  of  labor  are  prejudicial 
to  the  health,  morals  or  welfare  of  the  workers,  the  commission  may  call  a  conference, 
hereinafter  called  "wage  board,"  composed  of  an  equal  number  of  representatives  of 
employers  and  employes  in  the  occupation,  trade,  or  industry  in  question,  and  a  repre- 
sentative of  the  commission  to  be  designated  by  it,  who  shall  act  as  the  chairman  of 
the  wage  board.  The  members  of  such  wage  board  shall  be  allowed  five  dollars  per 
diem  and  necessary  traveling  expenses  while  engaged  in  such  conferences.  The  com- 
mission shall  make  rules  and  regulations  governing  the  number  and  selection  of  the 
members  and  the  mode  of  procedure  of  such  wage  board,  and  shall  exercise  exclusive 
jurisdiction  over  all  questions  arising  as  to  the  validity  of  the  procedure  and  of  the 
recommendations  of  such  wage  board.  The  proceedings  and  deliberation  of  such 
wage  board  shall  be  made  a  matter  of  record  for  the  use  of  the  commission,  and  shall 
be  admissible  as  evidence  in  any  proceedings  before  the  commission.  On  request  of 
the  commission,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  such  wage  board  to  report  to  the  commission  its 
findings,   including  therein : 

1.  An  estimate  of  the  minimum  wage  adequate  to  supply  to  women  and  minors 
engaged  in  the  occupation,  trade  or  industry  in  question,  the  necessary  cost  of  proper 
living  and  to  maintain  the  health  and  welfare  of  such  women  and  minors. 

2.  The  number  of  hours  of  work  per  day  in  the  occupation,  trade  or  industry 
in  question,  consistent  with  the  health  and  welfare  of  such  women  and  minors. 

3.  The  standard  conditions  of  labor  in  the  occupation,  trade  or  industry  in 
question,  demanded  by  the  health  and  welfare  of  such  women  and  minors. 

Sec.  6.  (a)  The  commission  shall  have  further  power  after  a  public  hearing  had 
upon  its  own  motion  or  upon  petition,  to  fix: 

1.  A  minimum  wage  to  be  paid  to  women  and  minors  engaged  in  any  occupation, 
trade  or  industry  in  this  state,  which  shall  not  be  less  than  a  wage  adequate  to  supply 
to  such  women  and  minors  the  necessary  cost  of  proper  living  and  to  maintain  the 
health  and  welfare  of  such  women  and  minors. 

2.  The  maximum  hours  of  work  consistent  with  the  health  and  welfare  of 
women  and  minors  engaged  in  any  occupation,  trade  or  industry  in  this  state;  pro- 
vided, that  the  hours  so  fixed  shall  not  be  more  than  the  maximum  now  or  hereafter 
fixed  by  law. 

3.  The  standard  conditions  of  labor  demanded  by  the  health  and  welfare  of  the 
women  and  minors  engaged  in  any  occupation,  trade  or  industry  in  this  state. 

(ft)  Upon  the  fixing  of  a  time  and  place  for  the  holding  of  a  hearing  for  the 
purpose  of  considering  and  acting  up  any  matters  referred  to  in  subsection  (a) 
hereof,  the  commission  shall  give  public  notice  by  advertisement  in  at  least  one  news- 
paper published  in  each  of  tne  cities  of  Los  Angeles  and  Sacramento  and  in  the  city 
and  county  of  San  Francisco,  and  by  mailing  a  copy  of  said  notice  to  the  county 
recorder  of  each  county  in  the  state,  of  such  hearing  and  purpose  thereof,  which  notice 
shall  state  the  time  and  placed  fixed  for  such  hearing,  which  shall  not  be  earlier  than 
fourteen  days  from  the  date  of  publication  and  mailing  of  such  notices. 

(<■)  After  such  public  hearing,  the  commission  may,  in  its  discretion,  make  a 
mandatory  order  to  be  effective  in  sixty  days  from  the  making  of  such  order,  specify- 
ing the  minimum  wage  for  women  or  minors  in  the  occupation  in  question,  the  maxi- 
mum hours;  provided,  that  the  hours  specified  shall  not  be  more  than  the  maximum 
for  women  or  minors  in  California,  and  the  standard  conditions  of  labor  for  said 
women  or  minors;  provided,  however,  that  no  such  order  shall  become  effective  until 
atfer  April  1,  1914.  Such  order  shall  be  published  in  at  least  one  newspaper  in  each 
of  the  cities  of  Los  Angeles  and  Sacramento  and  in  the  city  and  county  of  San  Fran- 
cisco, and  a  copy  thereof  be  mailed  to  the  county  recorder  of  each  county  in  the  state, 
and  such  copy  shall  be  recorded  without  charge,  and  to  the  labor  commissioner  who 
shall  send  by  mail,  so  far  as  practicable,  to  each  employer  in  the  occupation  in  ques- 
tion, a  copy  of  the  order,  and  each  employer  shall  be  required  to  post  a  copy  of  such 
order  in  the  building  in  which  women  or  minors  affected  by  the  order  are  employed. 
Failure  to  mail  notice  to  the  employer  shall  not  relieve  the  employer  from  the  duty  to 

60 


comply  with  such  order.  Finding  by  the  commission  that  there  has  been  such  publica- 
tion and  mailing  to  county  recorders  shall  be  conclusive  as  to  service. 

Sec.  7.  Whenever  wages,  or  hours,  or  conditions  of  labor  have  been  so  made 
mandatory  in  any  occupation,  trade,  or  industry,  the  commission  may  at  any  time  in 
its  discretion,  upon  its  own  motion  or  upon  petition  of  either  employers  or  employes, 
after  a  public  hearing  held  upon  the  notice  prescribed  for  an  original  hearing,  rescind, 
alter  or  amend  any  prior  order.  Any  order  rescinding  a  prior  order  shall  have  the 
same  effect  as  herein  provided  for  in  an  original  order. 

Sec.  8  [a*  amended,  Stats.  1915,  Chap.  571].  (a)  For  any  occupation  in  which 
a  minimum  wage  has  been  established,  the  commission  may  issue  to  a  woman  physically 
defective  by  age  or  otherwise,  a  special  license  authorizing  the  employment  of  such 
licensee,  for  a  period  of  six  months,  for  a  wage  less  than  such  legal  minimum  wage; 
and  the  commission  shall  fix  a  special  minimum  wage  for  such  person.  Any  such 
license  may  be  renewed  for  like  periods  of  six  months. 

(b)  For  any  occupation  in  which  a  minimum  wage  has  been  established,  the  com- 
mission may  issue  to  an  apprentice  or  learner,  a  special  license  authorizing  the  employ- 
ment of  such  apprentice  or  learner,  for  such  time  and  under  such  conditions  as  the 
commission  may  determine,  at  a  wage  less  than  such  legal  minimum  wage;  and  the 
commission  shall  fix  a  special  wage  for  such  apprentice  or  learner. 

(c)  The  commission  may  fix  the  maximum  number  of  women,  and  minors  under 
eighteen  years  of  age,  to  be  employed  under  the  licenses  provided  for  in  subdivisions 
(a)  and  (6)  of  this  section  in  any  occupation,  trade,  industry  or  establishment  in 
which  a  minimum  wage  has  been  established. 

Sec.  9.  Upon  the  request  of  the  commission,  the  labor  commissioner  shall  cause 
such  statistics  and  other  data  and  information  to  be  gathered,  and  investigations  made, 
as  the  commission  may  require.  The  cost  thereof  shall  be  paid  out  of  the  appropria- 
tions made  for  the  expenses  of  the  commission. 

Sec.  10.  Any  employer  who  discharges,  or  threatens  to  discharge,  or  in  any 
manner  discriminates  against  any  employe  because  such  employe  has  testified  or  is 
about  to  testify,  or  because  such  employer  believes  that  said  employe  may  testify  in  any 
investigation  or  proceedings  relative  to  the  enforcement  of  this  act,  shall  be  deemed 
guilty  of  a  misdemeanor. 

Sec.  11  [as  amended,  Stats.  1915,  Chap.  571].  The  minimum  wage  for  women 
and  minors  fixed  by  said  commission  as  in  this  act  provided,  shall  be  the  minimum 
wage  to  be  paid  to  such  employes,  and  the  payment  to  such  employes  of  a  less  wage 
than  the  minimum  so  fixed  shall  be  unlawful,  and  every  employer  or  other  person 
who,  either  individually  or  as  an  officer,  agent,  or  employe  of  a  corporation  or  other 
person,  pays  or  causes  to  be  paid  to  any  such  employe  a  wage  less  than  such  minimum, 
shall  be  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and  upon  conviction  thereof  shall  be  punished  by  a 
fine  of  not  less  than  fifty  dollars,  or  by  imprisonment  for  not  less  than  thirty  days,  or 
by  both  such  fine  and  imprisonment;  and  every  employer  or  other  person  who,  either 
individually  or  as  an  officer,  agent  or  employe  of  a  corporation,  or  other  persons, 
violates  or  refuses-  or  neglects  to  comply  with  the  provisions  of  this  act,  or  any  orders 
or  rulings  of  this  commission,  shall  be  guilty  of  a  misdemeanor,  and  upon  conviction 
thereof  be  punished  by  a  fine  of  not  less  than  fifty  dollars,  or  by  imprisonment  for  not 
less  than  thirty  days,  or  by  both  such  fine  and  imprisonment. 

Sec.  12  [as  amended,  Stats.  1915,  Chap.  571].  In  every  prosecution  for  viola- 
tion of  any  provision  of  this  act,  the  minimum  wage,  the  maximum  hours  of  work  and 
the  standard  conditions  of  labor  fixed  by  the  commission  as  herein  provided,  shall  be 
prima  facie  presumed  to  be  reasonable  and  lawful,  and  to  be  the  living  wage,  the 
maximum  hours  of  work  and  standard  conditions  of  labor  required  herein.  The  find- 
ings of  fact  made  by  the  commission  acting  within  its  powers  shall,  in  the  absence  of 
fraud,  be  conclusive;  and  the  determination  made  by  the  commission  shall  be  subject  to 
review  only  in  a  manner  and  upon  the  grounds  following:  within  twenty  days  from 
the  date  of  the  determination,  any  party  aggrieved  thereby  may  commence  in  the 
superior  court  in  and  for  the  city  and  county  of  San  Francisco,  or  in  and  for  the 
counties  of  Los  Angeles  or  Sacramneto,  an  action  against  the  commission  for  review 
of  such  determination.  In  such  action  a  complaint,  which  shall  state  the  grounds 
upon  which  a  review  is  sought,  shall  be  served  with  the  summons.  Service  upon  the 
secretary    of   the   commission,    or    any    member    of    the    commission,    shall    be    deemed    a 

61 


complete  service.  The  commission  shall  serve  its  answer  within  twenty  days  after  the 
service  of  the  complaint.  With  its  answer,  the  commission  shall  make  a  return  to  the 
court  of  all  documents  and  papers  on  file  in  the  matter,  and  of  all  testimony  and 
evidence  which  may  have  been  taken  before  it,  and  of  its  findings  and  the  determina- 
tion. The  action  may  thereupon  be  brought  on  for  hearing  before  the  court  upon  such 
record  by  either  party  on  ten  days'  notice  of  the  other.  Upon  such  hearing,  the  court 
may  confirm  or  set  aside  such  determination ;  but  the  same  shall  be  set  aside  only 
upon  the  following  grounds: 

(1)  That  the  commission  acted  without  or  in  excess  of  its  powers. 

(2)  That  the  determination  was  procured  by  fraud. 

Upon  the  setting  aside  of  any  determination  the  court  may  recommit  the  contro- 
versy and  remand  the  record  in  the  case  to  the  commission  for  further  proceedings. 
The  commission,  or  any  party  aggrieved,  by  a  decree  entered  upon  the  review  of  a 
determination,  may  appeal  therefrom  within  the  time  and  in  the  manner  provided  for 
an  appeal  from  the  orders  of  the  said  superior  court. 

Sec.  13.  Any  employe  receiving  less  than  the  legal  minimum  wage  applicable  to 
such  employee  shall  be  entitled  to  recover  in  a  civil  action  the  unpaid  balance  of  the 
full  amount  of  such  minimum  wage,  together  with  costs  of  suit,  notwithstanding  any 
agreement  to  work  for  such  lesser  wage. 

Sec.  14.  Any  person  may  register  with  the  commission  a  complaint  that  the 
wages  paid  to  an  employe  for  whom  a  living  rate  has  been  established,  are  less  than 
that  rate,  and  the  commission  shall  investigate  the  matter  and  take  all  proceedings 
necessary  to  enforce  the  payment  of  a  wage  not  less  than  the  living  wage. 

Sec.  15.  The  commission  shall  biennially  make  a  report  to  the  Governor  and  the 
State  Legislature  of  its  investigations  and  proceedings. 

Sec.  16.  There  is  hereby  appropriated  annually  out  of  the  moneys  of  the  state 
treasury,  not  otherwise  appropriated,  the  sum  of  fifteen  thousand  dollars,  to  be  used 
by  the  commission  in  carrying  out  the  provisions  of  this  act,  and  the  controller  is 
hereby  directed  from  time  to  time  to  draw  his  warrants  on  the  general  fund  in  favor 
of  the  commission  for  the  amounts  expended  under  its  direction,  and  the  treasurer  is 
hereby  authorized  and  directed  to  pay  the  same. 

Sec.  17.  The  commission  shall  not  act  as  a  board  of  arbitration  during  a  strike 
or  lock-out. 

Sec.  18.  (a)  Whenever  this  act,  or  any  part  or  section  thereof,  is  interpreted  by 
a  court,  it  shall  be  liberally  construed  by  such  court. 

(6)  If  any  section,  subsection,  or  subdivision  of  this  act  is  for  any  reason  held 
to  be  unconstitutional,  such  decision  shall  not  affect  the  validity  of  the  remaining  por- 
tions of  this  act.  The  Legislature  hereby  declares  that  it  would  have  passed  this  act, 
and  each  section,  subsection,  subdivision,  sentence,  clause  and  phrase  thereof,  irre- 
spective of  the  fact  that  any  one  or  more  sections,  subsections,  subdivisions,  sentences, 
clauses  or  phrases  is  declared  unconstitutional. 

Sec.  19.  The  provisions  of  this  act  shall  apply  to  and  include  women  and  minors 
employed  in  any  occupation,  trade  or  industry,  and  whose  compensation  for  labor  is 
measured  by  time,  piece  or  otherwise. 

NOTE:  The  Executive  Officer  of  the  California  Industrial  Welfare  Commission  was 
requested  to  suggest  changes  in  this  law  which  might  be  advisable  in  other  states.  The 
suggestions  are  as  follows: 

(1)  Omit  the  non-salary  regulation  for  Commission  members. 

(2)  Provide  for  summoning  of  employers  or  witnesses  to  the  Commission  office, 
under  subpoena,  to  give  evidence  concerning  the  law,  or  to  show  cause  for  violation  of  the 
orders  of  the  Commission. 


62 


Sample  of  Order  Issued  by  Minimum  Wage  Commission. 

Olympia,  Washington,  September  19,  1918. 
To  Whom  It  May  Concern: 

Pursuant  to  the  authority  vested  in  it  by  Chapter  174,  Session  Laws  of  Wash- 
ington for  1913,  the  Industrial  Welfare  Commission,  after  due  investigation  of  wages 
and  conditions  of  labor  of  minors  employed  in  the  industries  hereinafter  mentioned, 
and  due  determination  of  wages  and  conditions  of  labor  suitable  for  such  minors, 
hereby  ORDERS: 

(1)  (n)  That  the  word  "person"  is  used  in  this  order  to  include  corporations, 
copartnerships  and  associations  as  well  as  individuals. 

(b)  That  the  term  "welfare"  shall  mean  and  include  reasonable  comfort,  reason- 
able physical  well-being,  decency,  and  moral  well-being. 

(c)  Under  the  minimum  wage  act  a  minor  is  a  person  of  either  sex  under  the 
age  of  eighteen  years. 

(2)  That  no  person  shall  employ  any  minor  in  or  in  connection  wtih  any  mer- 
cantile, manufacturing,  printing,  laundering,  or  dye  works  establishment,  sign-paint- 
ing, machine  or  repair  shop,  or  parcel  delivery  service,  at  a  weekly  wage  rate  of  less 
than  $9.00  for  minors  under  eighteen  years  of  age;  nor  shall  such  minor  be  employed 
or  permitted  to  work  in  any  such  industry  more  than  eight  hours  in  any  day,  or  more 
than  six  days  in  any  week,  or  after  the  hour  of  7  P.  M.  or  before  the  hour  of  6  A.  M. 
Provided,  however,  if  after  investigation,  the  conditions  are  found  not  to  be  detri- 
mental to  the  welfare  of  said  minors,  permits  may  be  issued  by  the  Industrial  Welfare 
Commission  authorizing  the  employment  of  minors  over  sixteen  years  of  age  to  a  later 
hour.      (See  paragraph   (7)  below.) 

(3)  That  no  person  shall  employ  any  minor  in,  or  in  connection  with,  any  tele- 
phone or  telegraph  establishment,  at  a  weekly  wage  rate  of  less  than  $9.00  for  minors 
under  eighteen  years  of  age;  provided,  that  this  order  shall  not  apply  to  messengers 
in  rural  communities  and  cities  of  less  than  three  thousand  population,  who  are  not 
continuously  employed  and  who  are  paid  by  piece  rate  for  their  services ;  nor  shall  any 
minor  be  employed  in  such  occupation  before  6  A.  M.  or  after  10  P.  M. ;  and  it  is 
further  provided,  that  if  after  investigation  by  the  Commission  of  any  particular 
establishment,  conditions  are  found  not  to  be  detrimental  to  the  welfare  of  minors, 
permits  may  be  issued  by  the  Commission  to  minors  over  sixteen  years  of  age  author- 
izing night  employment.      (See  paragraph   (7)  below.) 

(4)  That  no  person  shall  employ  any  minor  in  the  occupation  of  stenographer, 
bookkeeper,  typist,  billing  clerk,  filing  clerk,  cashier,  checker,  invoicer,  comptometer 
operator,  or  any  clerical  office  work  whatsoever,  including  assistants  and  helpers  in 
doctors'  and  dentists'  offices,  at  a  weekly  wage  rate  of  less  than  $9.00  for  minors 
under  eighteen  years  of  age.      (See  paragraph   (7)  below.) 

(5)  That  no  person  shall  employ  any  minor  in  any  hotel,  lodging  house,  restau- 
rant or  lunch  room  occupation,  at  a  weekly  wage  rate  of  less  than  $9.00  for  minors 
under  eighteen  years  of  age;  provided,  that  where  lodging  is  furnished  by  the  em- 
ployer to  any  minor  employed  in  such  occupation  as  part  payment  of  wages,  not  more 
than  $2.00  per  week  may  be  deducted  therefor  from  the  weekly  minimum  wage  of 
such  employe,  and  if  a  room  be  furnished  for  such  lodging  it  must  be  properly  heated 
and  ventilated  and  of  size  and  condition  conforming  to  the  general  standard  of  rooms 
in  the  locality  which  are  rented  for  the  amount  thus  deducted  from  the  wages ;  and  it 
is  further  provided,  that  where  board  or  meals  are  furnished  by  the  employer  to  such 
minor  employe  as  part  payment  of  wages,  not  more  than  $4.50  per  week  may  be 
deducted  from  the  weekly  minimum  wage  of  such  employe  for  a  full  week's  board  of 
twenty-one  meals,  or  a  proportionate  amount  for  less  than  a  weeks'  board. 

(6)  That  no  person  shall  employ  any  minor  under  the  age  of  eighteen  years  in 
any  occupation,  trade  or  industry,  not  mentioned  in  any  of  the  above  paragraphs,  at 
a  weekly  wage  rate  of  less  than  $9.00 ;  nor  shall  any  minor  be  employed  more  than 
eight  hours  in  any  day;  nor  more  than  six  days  per  week.  (See  paragraph  (7) 
below.) 

63 


(7)  That  no  person  shall  employ  any  minor  under  eighteen  years  of  age  in  any 
occupation,  whatsoever,  without  increasing  the  weekly  wages  of  such  minor  by  one 
dollar  per  week  after  every  six  months  of  service,  or  until  the  minimum  wage  of 
$13.20  per  week  is  paid. 

(8)  That  no  person  shall  employ  any  female  under  the  age  of  eighteen  years  as 
'shaker"  in  a  laundry:  nor  as  clerk  in  selling  cigars  or  tobacco;  nor  as  messenger  or 
delivery  girl  in  out-door  messenger  or  delivery  service;  nor  as  a  bootblack;  nor  in 
certain  phases  of  railroading,  as  section  work;  nor  certain  work  in  shipbuilding 
plants:  nor  certain  work  in  lumber  and  in  shingle  mills;  nor  certain  work  in  hotels, 
as  "bell  hops";  nor  certain  work  in  metal  working  plants,  as  with  molten  metals; 
nor  in  any  work  underground;  nor  in  any  work  in  bowling  alleys,  shooting  galleries, 
penny  arcades, 'and  the  like;  nor  shall  any  person  employ  any  minor  on  a  shift  over 
six  hours  without  a  rest  period  of  fifteen  minutes;  nor  shall  any  person  employ  any 
minor  less  than  full  time  without  posting  in  advance,  not  later  than. noon  of  the  pre- 
ceding day,  the  schedule  of  hours  to  be  observed :  nor  shall  any  minor  boy  under 
sixteen  years  of  age  be  employed  in  any  bowling  alley;  such  occupations  being  hereby 
declared  injurious  to  the  welfare  of  minors. 

(9)  That  this  order  shall  become  effective  sixty  days  from  the  date  hereof,  to-wit, 
on  November  20,  1918.  and  shall  supersede,  during  the  period  of  the  war,  the  Mini- 
mum Wage  Orders  for  Minors,  dated  September  14,  1917,  and  effective  November 
14,   1917. 

INDUSTRIAL  WELFARE  COMMISSION  FOR  THE  STATE   OF  WASHINGTON. 


64 


SECTION  THREE. 


HOURS   AND   INDUSTRIAL   FATIGUE. 
I. 

Summary  and  Conclusions. 

Second  only  to  wages  in  importance,  comes  the  question 
of  the  length  of  time  for  which  the  employer  may  keep  the 
employe  at  work. 

The  principle  of  limiting  hours  is  universally  conceded. 
No  one  believes  that  women  workers  should  be  allowed  to  work 
twelve  or  fifteen  hours  a  day,  even  if  their  necessities  might 
make  them  willing  to  do  so.  All  recognize  that  it  is  a  special 
duty  to  prevent  the  crippling  of  women  thru  over-work. 

The  principle  of  hour  legislation  being  conceded,  the  next 
question  that  arises  is  the  precise  length  of  a  fair  working 
day.  Shall  it  be  11  or  10  hours,  or  shall  it  be  8  hours?  Shall 
the  6  day  week  be  established  by  law?  Shall  we  regulate  the 
length  of  the  noon  hour  and  of  rest  periods? 

On  the  side  of  longer  hours  are  ordinarily  to  be  found  most 
employers,  some  employes  who  believe  that  shortened  hours 
would  mean  lowered  pay,  and  some  portion  of  the  "general 
public".  On  the  side  of  shorter  hours  are  to  be  found  the 
bulk  of  social  workers,  employes,  and  industrial  physicians. 
On  this  side,  also,  are  to  be  found  a  considerable  proportion 
of  employers.  These  are  the  men  who  have  tested  shorter 
hours  in  their  own  plants,  and  who  have  realized  the  advan- 
tages of  a  short  working  day. 

Not  all,  in  fact  not  many,  of  these  employers  stand  for  short 
hour  legislation.  They  see  the  advantage  of  lowered  hours 
but  they  want  to  establish  them  voluntarily.  The  short  hours 
in  their  shops  are  attractive  to  new  workers.  Were  these  hours 
established  by  law  these  men  would  compete  with  other  em- 
ployers for  labor  on  an  equal  basis. 

In  Chicago,  an  investigation  brought  out  the  fact  that 
altho  the  law  permitted  10  working  hours  daily,  62.9  per  cent 
of  firms,  and  70.8  per  cent  of  employes,  actually  worked  less 
than  9  hours  daily,  which  means  a  week  of  48  hours,  with 

65 


Saturday  half  holiday.  Yet  these  very  employers  opposed 
legislation  to  establish  hours  such  as  their  practice  showed  to 
be  best  for  their  shops. 

A  Scientific  Question. 

Of  course,  the  question  of  hours  is  not  purely  controversial, 
but  scientific.  It  is  possible  to  evaluate  working  days  of 
various  lengths,  and  to  arrive  at  a  tentative  or  fixed  standard. 

A  well  known  firm  of  efficiency  engineers,  for  example, 
declares  itself  in  favor  of  471^  hours  per  week  as  the  best 
time  unit  for  industry.  This  firm  has  proved  this  point  over 
&nd  over  again  in  individual  instances. 

Many  public  investigations  of  hours  have  been  made,  the 
most  famous  being  that  of  the  Munitions  Commission  in  Eng- 
land during  the  war. 

This  commission  found  women,  under  the  plea  of  patriotism, 
being  compelled  to  work  often  14  hours  daily.  It  found  these 
women  so  exhausted  from  their  toil  that  they  actually  failed 
to  do  as  much  in  14  hours  as  they  had  been  able  to  do  in  10. 
It  made  very  definite  recommendations  for  limiting  the  hours 
of  women  workers,  with  a  view  both  to  their  well-being  and  to 
industrial  efficiency. 

Many  investigations  more  or  less  scientific  in  their  nature 
have  been  made  in  this  country.  These  have  generally  resulted 
in  short  hour  recommendations.  "The  ease  for  the  Shorter 
Work  Day",  a  document  having  reference  to  men  -as  well  as 
women  workers,  brings  this  material  together  in  fairly  com- 
plete form,  as  a  brief  before  the  Supreme  Court. 

The  "Women  in  Industry  Division  of  the  Department  of 
Labor  has  taken  its  stand  as  follows:  "No  woman  shall  be 
employed  or  permitted  to  work  more  than  8  hours  in  any  one 
day  or  48  hours  in  any  one  week.  The  time  when  the  work  of 
women  employes  shall  begin  and  end  and  the  time  allowed  for 
meals  shall  be  posted  in  a  conspicious  place  in  each  workroom, 
and  a  record  shall  be  kept  of  the  overtime  of  each  woman 
worker. 

' '  Observance  of  the  half  holiday  on  Saturday  should  be  the 
custom. 

66 


"Every  woman  worker  shall  have  one  day  of  rest  in  every 
seven  days. 

"At  least  three-quarters  of  an  hour  shall  be  allowed  for  a 
meal. 

"A  rest  period  of  10  minutes  should  be  allowed  in  the 
middle  of  each  working  period  without  thereby  increasing  the 
length  of  the  working  day. 

"No  woman  shall  be  employed  between  the  hours  of  10 
p.  m.  and  6  a.m." 

Opposition  to  Shorter  Hours. 

Investigations  unfavorable  to  the  economic  aspect  of  shorter 
hours  as  production  units,  have  been  made  by  the  National 
Industrial  Conference  Board,  an  association  of  employers  in 
various  fields  of  industry.  These  investigations  have  been 
declared  unscientific  by  advocates  of  shorter  hours. 

The  chief  reasons  in  the  minds  of  employers  for  objecting 
to  a  limitation  of  hours  seem  to  be : 

1.  A  fear  of  the  limitation  of  profits. 

2.  A  belief  that  the  workers  prefer  long  hours. 

3.  A  dislike  of  any  legal  limitation  of  freedom  of  con- 
tract. 

4.  A  denial  that  hours  affect  the  health  of  workers. 

5.  A  wish  to  see  separate  industries  treated  separately. 
The  second  reason  listed  is  based  on  the  alleged  opposition 

of  many  groups  of  employes  to  shortened  hours.  In  these 
cases  it  is  not  the  hours  which  cause  the  objection;  it  is  the  fear 
of  reduced  pay.  This,  however,  is  a  frame  of  mind  flourishing 
only  during  legislative  fights  on  hours.  When  hours  have  been 
reduced,  there  have  seldom  if  ever  been  instances  of  lowered 
pay  as  a  result.  Employe  outbreaks  in  favor  of  long  hours 
must  be  regarded  as  campaign  propaganda  on  the  part  of  long 
hour  advocates. 

Reason  3  may  also  be  disposed  of,  since  the  principle  of 
limiting  hours  has  already  been  conceded,  not  only  in  Louisi- 
ana, but  in  practically  every  other  state  in  the  Union. 

Reason  5  is  undoubtedly  reasonable.  Work  in  a  cotton  mill 
or  a  laundry  is  indubitably  more  fatiguing  than  work  in  a  bank 

67 


or  a  department  store.    It  might  even  be  said  that  6  hours  at 
some  work  would  be  as  tiring  as  8  at  others. 

But  the  facts  show  that  the  fatiguing  industries,  instead  of 
being  the  short  hour  ones,  have  the  longest  hours  of  all.  The 
industries  which  from  the  easy  character  of  their  work  might 
be  permitted  longer  hours  are  the  ones  in  which  the  hours  are 
short  already.  To  establish  a  flat  maximum  would  not  work 
hardship  to  "easy"  trades.  It  would  simply  regulate  the 
laborious  trades  to  present  standards  in  the  easy  ones. 

This  leaves  reasons  1  and  4  unanswered.  Reason  4  is  dealt 
with  by  any  one  of  numberless  treatises  on  fatigue,  industrial 
or  other.  Reason  1  deals  with  the  fear  of  the  reduction  of 
profits.  One  employer  said,  and  believed,  that  a  20  per  cent 
reduction  in  hours  in  his  shop  would  cut  his  profit  70  per  cent. 
Experiments  in  this  man's  shop  were  made,  and  are  reported 
in  detail  later  in  this  chapter. 

In  Illinois,  before  the  ten-hour  law  was  passed  in  1911,  it 
was  claimed  that  the  entire  glass  industry  would  have  to  leave 
:he  state,  if  hours  were  limited  to  ten.  Afterwards,  not  a  glass 
factory  left.  This  industry  grew  and  made  profits  under  the 
ten  hour  day. 

In  every  other  state  where  laws  regulating  hours  have  been 
passed,  similar  prophecies  have  been  made.  The  courts  have 
yet  to  hear  of  a  single  case  of  bankruptcy  due  to  shortened 
hours.  The  industrial  fabric  seems  sufficiently  tough  and  can 
easily  withstand  the  safe  guarding  of  its  women  workers  by 
forbidding  them  to  work  hours  clearly  detrimental  to  health. 

Reasons  for  Short  Hours. 

The  advocates  of  shorter  hours  have  based  their  claims 
on  the  demonstrated  detrimental  effects  of  fatigue;  on  the 
health  and  recreation  rights  of  the  worker ;  and  on  the  benefits 
to  employer  and  employe  observed  to  follow  shortened  hours. 

In  this  study  it  has  been  attempted  to  discover  the  facts 
relating  to  hours  of  labor  for  women  in  industry  in  Louisiana. 
The  degree  of  fatigue  produced  under  the  ten-hour  day  has 
been  analyzed,  and  recommendations  have  been  formulated 
for  the  betterment  of  existing  conditions. 

68 


Conclusions. 

1.  Only  one  third  of  Louisiana  employers  are  at  present 
requiring  women  to  work  the  legal  maximum  of  hours  per  day 
and  per  week. 

2.  Nearly  half  of  all  establishments  and  about  one-third  of 
all  employes,  are  now  using  the  eight-hour  day  or  the  48  hour 
week. 

3.  Long  hours  accompany  other  bad  conditions.  Wages 
are  low  and  other  conditions  are  poor  for  the  ten-hour  workers. 

4.  The  highest  proportion  of  working  mothers  is  to  be 
found  in  the  ten-hour  group. 

5.  Thirty  states  regulate  weekly  working  hours  to  a  lower 
maximum  than  Louisiana,  10  as  long  and  4  longer. 

6.  If  hours  per  day  are  considered,  22  states  permit  fewer 
hours  than  Louisiana,  18  as  long  and  4  longer. 

7.  Reduced  hours  were  found  to  increase  output  and 
reduce  cost  of  production  in  a  Louisiana  firm  employing  over 
200  women. 

8.  Analysis  of  the  ten-hour  day  shows  a  considerable 
fatigue  element. 

9.  The  effect  of  climate  on  production  is  not  clearly 
marked. 

10.  Night  work  is  found  but  seldom  in  Louisiana  establish- 
ments. 

The  conclusions  bearing  on  hours  lead  directly  to  a  recom- 
mendation for  a  law  limiting  hours  of  labor  to  a  shorter  maxi- 
mum than  is  allowed  at  present.  Accordingly  the  following 
suggestions  are  made. 

Recommendations. 

1.  Employers  will  derive  much  benefit  from  studying  pro- 
duction within  their  own  plants  to  determine  cumulative 
fatigue  daily,  fatigue  in  summer,  etc.  Records  of  production 
should  be  made  more  complete  and  should  be  analyzed  more 
closely. 

2.  Employers  would  do  well  to  experiment  with  shorter 
hours,  keeping  track  of  output  for  some  time  before  and  after 
the  change  to  determine  whether  shorter  hours  make  for 
efficiency  in  their  own  plants. 

69 


3.  A  law  on  hours  should  be  passed,  regulating  the  working 
day  for  women,  and  minors  of  both  sexes  under  18,  to  eight 
hours  daily  and  48  hours  weekly. 

4.  This  law  should  set  a  noon  hour  of  not  less  than  45 
minutes.    All  machinery  should  stop  at  this  time. 

5.  It  should  prohibit  work  for  women  between  1  p.  m.  and 
6  a.  m.  and  for  minors  between  7  p.  m.  and  6  a.  m. 

6.  "Working  hours  should  be  legally  required  to  be  posted 
in  each  work  room,  and  the  presence  there  of  workers  outside 
these  hours  shall  be  deemed  prima  facie  evidence  of  a  violation 
of  the  law. 

7.  The  provisions  of  this  law  may  well  be  extended  to 
cover  public  institutions,  hospitals,  and  all  places  of  amuse- 
ment. 

8.  Enforcement  of  this  law  should  be  in  the  hands  of  the 
State  Department  of  Labor  (for  Louisiana  outside  of  New 
Orleans)  and  the  city  factory  inspector  for  New  Orleans. 
Penalty  may  well  be  made  greater  for  second  and  third  viola- 
tions. 

9.  Such  a  law  will  meet  the  standards  of  the  U.  S.  Depart- 
ment of  Labor,  Women  in  Industry  Division. 

10.  An  Industrial  Welfare  Commission  such  as  that 
recommended  in  the  foregoing  chapter,  should  have  power  to 
regulate  hours  to  less  than  the  legal  maximum  in  specific  in- 
dustries deemed  particularly  fatiguing. 

11.  The  laws  of  California,  Oregon,  or  the  District  of 
Columbia  are  recommended  as  models  for  a  law  regulating 
hours,  with  added  provisions  as  herein  mentioned. 


70 


HOURS  AND   INDUSTRIAL  FATIGUE. 
II. 

Present  Standards. 

If  current  tendency  can  be  accepted  as  any  indication  of 
right,  the  short  working  day  needs  no  other  argument.  It  has 
come,  for  men,  largely  as  a  result  of  unionization,  and  for 
women,  thru  legislation.  Individual  employers,  also,  have 
shortened  hours  for  one  reason  or  another. 

The  southern  states  are  admittedly  behindhand  in  legisla- 
tion and  practice  regulating  hours.  Yet  in  Louisiana  only  about 
one-third  of  all  employers  avail  themselves  of  the  legal  maxi- 
mum permitted  for  the  working  day.  Of  380  firms  studied, 
only  124,  or  33  per  cent,  have  a  working  day  of  10  hours  in 
length.  This  group,  however,  includes  a  number  of  the  larger 
firms,  so  that  5,318,  or  40  per  cent  of  all  employes  are  working 
10  hours  a  day. 

A  clear  majority,  both  of  firms  and  employes,  work  less 
than  the  legal  maximum  of  hours.  Forty  per  cent  of  firms, 
including  32  per  cent  of  employes,  work  less  than  a  9  hour 
day,  which  in  most  cases  means  a  48  hour  week.  Thus  it  may  be 
seen  how  far  practice  outstrips  legislation. 

The  reasons  impelling  employers  to  use  the  8  hour  day  may 
not  have  regard  to  health  benefits  to  the  employes.  Desire  to 
attract  labor  is  probably  one  of  the  most  operative  causes. 
In  a  few  cases,  hours  have  been  shortened  because  of  the 
employer's  realization  that  shorter  hours  increased  efficiency. 

So  rapid  is  the  progress  toward  reduced  hours,  that  between 
The  collection  of  survey  data  and  the  publication  of  this  report, 
a  number  of  hour  reductions  were  made  in  large  shops,  so  that 
even  the  following  table  presents  longer  hours  than  those 
actually  in  use  today. 


71 


Hours  of  Labor. 

Employes. 
Louisiana  1919. 


Number 
Employed 

Total 13,188 

Bag     Manufacturing 359 

Banks    and    Agencies 332 

Can    Manufacturing    340 

Candy    Manufacturing    448 

Cigars    and     Tobacco 1,634 

Clothing    Manufacturing    574 

Cotton    Mills    1,262 

tDomestic    and    Personal    Service..         27 

Dry    Goods    2,639 

Food    Manufacturing    1,149 

Hotels     993 

Laundries     827 

Manufacturing    and    Mechanical....       525 

*Mines    26 

Printing    and    Publishing 110 

Professional    Service 102 

Restaurants    263 

Trade    483 

Transportation     1,095 


Under 

43 

hours 

3 

1 

33 


-Percenta 

43  and 

under 

49  hours 

29 

10 

32 


ge  Working- 

49  and 

under 

55  hours 

28 

81 

16 

100 


55  hours 

and  over 

40 


19 


3 

45 

52 

3 

20 

77 

45 

45 

10 
100 

19 

81 

8 

33 

5 

8 

15 


72 

6 

5 

2 

34 

54 

61 

28 

21 

22 

79 


12 
53 
15 
58 
58 


31 

27 

12 

8 

66 

28 

42 

6 

t Outside  of  homes. 

*Clerical    and   restaurant   work. 

The  cotton  mills  stand  out  as  the  worst  offenders.  Every 
one  works  a  10  hour  day  or  a  60  hour  week.  Next  to  these, 
industries  having  high  proportions  of  10  hour  workers  are 
hotels,  cigar  and  tobacco  factories,  restaurants,  candy  manu- 
factures, and  miscellaneous  trades.  This  last  group  includes 
the  little  stores  which  remain  open  evenings,  the  drug  stores 
etc. 

The  department  stores  have  a  good  showing,  due  to  the 
prepondrance  among  them  of  New  Orleans  firms.  In  Louisiana 
outside  New  Orleans,  the  hours  worked  in  department  stores 
are  much  longer. 

It  is  most  interesting  to  note  how  long  hours  coincide  with 
low  wages  and  otherwise  poor  conditions.  The  highly-paid 
industries,  banks  and  agencies,  transportation,  and  the  like, 
show  very  small  proportions  of  long  hour  workers ;  while  the 
laundries,  candy  factories,  etc.,  show  just  the  opposite. 


72 


Hours  in  Louisiana  outside  New  Orleans  are  slightly  in 
excess  of  those  worked  in  the  larger  city,  but  the  difference  is 
surprisingly  small. 

Industries  where  a  majority  of  all  women  are  at  present 
working  the  8  hour  day  are  banks  and  agencies,  department 
stores,  printing  and  publishing,  professional  service,  and  trans- 
portation. 

Meaning  of  These  Facts. 

These  facts  mean  that  practice  has  already  gone  a  great  deal 
further  than  legislation  to  establish  a  short  working  day ;  that 
legislation  would  merely  bring  all  establishments  to  the  level  of 
the  better  ones;  that  the  advantage  of  shorter  hours,  as  a 
practical  proposition,  is  being  proved  to-day  in  Louisiana. 

All  hour  statements  were  checked  by  data  gathered  from 
5,202  employes.  From  these  records  it  was  found  that  the 
"domestic  and  personal  service"  occupation  (outside  of  homes; 
includes  cleaners,  maids,  cooks,  laundresses,  etc.)  has  the  worst 
hour  conditions ;  that  next  comes  the  manufacturing  and 
mechanical  occupation ;  while  telephone  and  telegraph  workers 
have  the  easiest  hours  of  all. 

Hours  Above  Legal  Maximum. 

Curiously  enough,  a  number  of  employers  reported  hours 
totaling  in  excess  of  60  weekly,  the  legal  maximum.  Employers 
reported  the  starting  and  stopping  time,  recess  periods,  and 
number  of  days  worked,  from  which  data  the  working  hours 
were  calculated.  In  some  instances,  where  the  hours  exceeded 
60,  it  was  said  that  the  employe  was  allowed  some  time  off 
when  she  liked  during  the  week ;  in  other  instances  no  explana- 
tion was  given. 

Among  the  employes  interviewed,  161  reported  hours  per 
week  as  61  or  more.  These  were  almost  universally  "domestic 
and  personal  service"  workers,  found  mainly  in  hotels  and 
restaurants ;  but  the  group  also  included  a  large  proportion 
from  the  small  stores  of  a  miscellaneous  nature.  To  these  last 
the  60  hour  law  does  not  apply,  since  on  Saturday  nights  the 
working  time  in  mercantile  establishments  is  not  limited  by 
law. 

73 


The  survey  made  no  attempt  in  itself  to  enforce  the  law  in 
these  cases,  the  information  was  given  to  the  legal  authorities. 
In  the  seven  day  industries,  hours  are  difficult  to  check,  and 
restaurant  hours  form  a  particularly  hard  problem.  Here  the 
woman  is  often  made  to  work  from  6  a.  m.  to  8  p.  m.,  but  ia 
given  two  or  three-hour  rest  periods,  so  that  her  total  hours 
come  within  the  law.  Many  states  have  made  provision  that 
working  hours  must  come  within  a  specified  period  of  time; 
but  in  Louisiana  this  is  not  done. 

Conditions  Within  Hour  Groups. 

For  convenience  in  reference  hour  groups  will  be  designated 
here  as  follows : 

Group  A — Under  43  hours  weekly. 

Group  B — 43  and  under  49  hours  weekly. 

Group  C — 49  and  under  55  hours  weekly. 

Group  D — 55  hours  weekly  or  over. 

The  long  hour  groups  contain,  as  might  be  expected,  the 
largest  proportion  of  colored  workers,  altho  these  are  in  a 
very  small  minority  in  any  group. 

Group  D  contains  the  highest  proportion  of  working 
mothers.  Half  of  all  working  mothers  fall  within  this  hour 
group.  These  are  the  women  with  little  training  who  are  at 
the  same  time  most  entirely  dependent  on  their  wage;  it  is 
therefore,  possible  to  enforce  longer  hours  upon  them,  altho 
at  the  same  time  they  are  the  class  most  definitely  needing 
legislative  protection. 

Only  4  per  cent  of  the  members  of  Group  D  receive  $16 
weekly  or  over,  where  25  per  cent  of  the  members  of  Group  B 
are  in  the  highest  wage  class...  Here  again  is  shown  the  con- 
centration of  conditions,  either  good  or  bad,  upon  one  particu- 
lar group. 

Group  D  includes  the  workers  most  in  need  of  good  condi- 
tions and  to  the  least  extent  recipients  of  them.  It  may  be 
argued  that  a  10  hour  day  is  not  necessarily  a  bad  condition. 
Ten  working  hours  a  day  mean  work  from  7  to  12  and  1  to  6, 
every  day  of  the  week  excepting  Sunday.  It  means  hours  that 
only  one-third  of  employers  care  to  enforce  upon  their  em- 
ployes.   Its  efficiency  or  lack  of  it  will  be  discussed  later. 


Here  we  have  seen  what  hours  actually  exist  in  Louisiana 
industries,  and  what  the  conditions  are  among  the  long  hour 
workers.  It  remains  to  check  Louisiana  standards  against 
laws  in  other  states,  to  see  how  far  this  state  is  measuring  up 
to  accepted  standards. 

Laws  in  Other  States. 

In  1918,  45  states  (including  Alaska  and  the  District  of 
Columbia)  regulated  the  length  of  the  working  day  for  women. 
Of  these,  eight  had  an  8  hour  day ;  14  had  a  nine  hour  day ;  19, 
including  Louisiana,  permitted  a  working  day  of  ten  hours, 
and  4  over  ten  hours.  Thirty  states  regulated  the  working 
week  to  a  lower  maximum  than  Louisiana. 

States  having  eight  hour  laws  are:  Alaska,  Arizona,  Cali- 
fornia, Colorado,  District  of  Columbia,  Montana,  Nevada,  and 
Washington.  Nine  hours  is  the  legal  limit  in :  Arkansas,  Idaho, 
Kansas,  Maine,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  Missouri,  New  York, 
Nebraska,  Ohio,  Oklahoma,  Oregon,  Texas,  and  Utah.  Ten 
hours  is  permitted  in  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Georgia,  Illinois, 
Kentucky,  Louisiana,  Maryland,  Massachusetts,  Mississippi, 
New  Jersey,  North  Dakota,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  South 
Carolina,*  South  Dakota,  Virginia,  Wisconsin,  and  Wyoming. 
New  Hampshire  permits  ten  and  one-quarter  hours  daily; 
Tennessee  and  Vermont  ten  and  one-half;  and  North  Carolina 
eleven.  All  these  four  states,  however,  regulate  the  working 
week  to  60  hours  or,  in  three  cases,  fewer  than  60. 

Louisiana  thus  stands  in  the  lower  rank  of  states  in  per- 
mitting a  ten  hour  working  day.  Moreover,  the  foregoing 
analysis  omits  the  labor  legislation  of  1919,  so  that  by  the  time 
of  the  next  legislative  session  in  Louisiana,  she  will  be  even 
more  behind  in  the  progress  toward  shortened  hours. 

Legislative  possibilities  will  be  discussed  in  another 
chapter.  It  is  desired  here  to  call  attention  to  the  good 
progress  which  has  so  far  been  made,  the  extent  of  ground 
still  to  cover,  and  the  state  standards  by  which  Louisiana  may 
measure  her  progress. 


*12  iii  mercantile  establishments;  60  hour  week. 


75 


HOURS  AND  INDUSTRIAL  FATIGUE. 

III. 

Effect  of  Reducing-  Hours. 

One  of  the  moot  points  in  the  discussion  of  hours  is  the 
relation  between  hours  and  production.  Opinion  varies  from 
the  manufacturer  who  stated  that  a  20  per  cent  reduction  in 
hours  would  mean  a  70  per  cent  reduction  in  his  profits,  to 
the  social  enthusiast  who  believes  that  a  reduction  of  hours 
necessarily  means  an  increase  of  output,  on  the  basis  of 
greater  energy  in  the  worker. 

This  veiw,  that  short  hours  ordinarily  mean  better  produc- 
tion, is  not  confined  to  social  workers.  It  is  held  by  many 
efficiency  engineers.  It  has  been  substantiated  by  hundreds  of 
individual  instances.  It  was  proved  in  the  Munition  Studies 
in  England.  It  was  demonstrated  in  an  industrial  survey 
made  in  Illinois  in  1918,  dealing  with  hours  of  labor  for  women 
only.  Figures  to  substantiate  this  claim  are  easily  available  to 
any  one. 

Strangely  enough,  employers  frequently  do  not  realize  that 
they  have  had  an  increase  in  individual  output,  even  when  this 
has  been  the  case.  In  Illinois,  it  was  found  that  their  own 
figures  frequently  contradicted  the  employers  testimony  on 
the  productiveness  of  long  and  short  hour  schedules. 

It  is  this  fact  which  proves  unscientific  hour  studies  such 
as  those  recently  made  by  the  National  Industrial  Conference 
Board.  These  studies  were  "opinion  surveys"  and  as  such, 
inconclusive.  Employers  were  asked  to  give  data  on  the  effect 
of  reduced  hours,  and  answers  varied  from  frank  admissions  of 
ignorance  to  all  sorts  of  estimates,  and  a  very  few  reliable 
production  sheets. 

The  effect  of  hours  on  output  can  be  measured  only  by  a 
careful  statistical  comparison  of  the  productivity  of  individual 
experienced  workers  under  the  two  schedules.  The  astonishing 
fact  about  "opinion  surveys"  such  as  those  of  the  National 
Industrial  Conference  Board,  is  not  that  so  little  maintenance 
of  output  is  reported,  but  that  so  many  employers  are  ready 
to  report  increased  or  maintained  production.  . 


It  has  always  been  the  case  that  employers  fear  the  indus- 
trial effect  of  reduced  hours.  It  has  seldom,  if  ever,  been  the 
case  that  these  fears  were  justified. 

Machines  Not  a  Determining  Factor. 

Some  emloyers  may  state  that  the  machines  limit  produc- 
tion in  their  shops.  One  most  interesting  instance  of  this  was 
found  by  the  New  Orleans  and  Louisiana  Industrial  Survey. 
The  employer  stated  that  the  girl  was  only  a  slight  factor 
in  production,  and  that  the  machine  was  the  determining 
pactor.  Of  course  if  this  were  so,  all  machines  would  produce 
about  the  same  thru  the  day,  and  an  hour  reduction  in  time 
would  mean  an  equal  reduction  in  output. 

But  all  the  girls  operating  these  machines  were  on  piece 
work  and  some  of  them  earned  30  to  40  per  cent  more  than 
others!  Obviously  the  machine  could  produce  no  variation,  so 
<he  employe  must  have  been  the  cause. 

Moreover,  in  like  factories  in  the  north,  operating  under 
shorter  hours  but  with  similar  wage  rates,  girls  were  earning 
more  at  the  same  work.  The  reason  given  was  that  these 
northern  girls  were  more  intelligent ;  but  if  intelligence  is  such 
a  factor,  the  machine  in  itself  must  count  for  little. 

If  the  machine  was  the  determining  factor  in  production, 
then,  of  course,  shortened  hours  would  mean  lowered  output. 
But  if,  as  seemed  proved  by  the  facts,  the  employe  was  after 
all  a  large  or  controlling  factor,  then  there  was  at  least  a  good 
chance  that  a  decrease  in  hours  would  not  mean  a  decrease  in 
production. 

Are  Employes  Intelligent? 

Very  frequently,  mention  was  made  of  the  superior  in- 
telligence of  the  northern  worker.  This  was  not  so  common  in 
shops  with  branches  in  the  north  under  the  same  central 
management.  And  in  one  Louisiana  factory  a  very  interesting 
study  was  made  showing  that  the  southern  worker  may  meas- 
ure up  well  to  northern  standards,  and,  more  important,  that 
reduced  hours  meant  increased  efficiency. 

The  employer  was  working  on  a  10  hour  schedule,  with  a  60 
hour  week.    Girls  in  a  certain  process  were  making  $7  to  $12 

77 


per  week.  In  northern  shops  with  like  wage  rates  but  shorter 
hours,  girls  were  making  $15  to  $20  weekly  at  the  same  work. 
Clearly  a  case  of  greater  intelligence,  it  might  have  been  said. 

This  employer  decided  to  reduce  his  hours  of  labor  from 
60  to  54  weekly,  as  an  experiment.  No  wage  rates  were 
changed.  The  girls  were  simply  given  the  extra  hour  of  free 
time,  and  requested  to  make  all  they  could  in  the  9  hours 
remaining. 

In  most  cases  of  hour  reduction  a  period  is  allowed  for 
the  employe  to  accustom  herself  to  the  new  hours.  If  the  old 
hours  have  been  unduly  fatiguing,  it  is  felt  that  this  will 
take  a  time  to  cure  itself,  so  that  records  for  six  months 
after  the  change  are  desirable.  In  this  instance  it  was  only 
possible  to  analyze  the  effect  of  shortened  hours  for  a  month 
after  the  change. 

For  a  few  days  the  average  hourly  earnings  in  this  depart- 
ment held  fairly  even  with  what  they  had  been  the  day  or 
two  before  the  change.  Then  the  earnings  began  going  up. 
At  the  end  of  the  second  week  they  were  almost  2  cents  an 
hour  more  than  on  the  day  before  the  change,  and  at  the  end 
of  the  fourth  week  they  were  4  cents  an  hour,  or  25  per  cent, 
greater ! 

Since  all  this  work  was  piece  work,  a  25  per  cent  increase 
in  pay  means  a  25  per  cent  increase  in  output. 

The  average  daily  earnings  in  10  hours  had  been  $1,449.  In 
9  hours  they  were  $1,563.  Thus  an  hour's  decrease  in  daily 
time  meant  for  this  factory  an  almost  immediate  increase  in 
gross  output  of  8  per  cent! 

At  the  same  time  production  costs  began  going  down.  The 
employer  was  saving  on  overhead  equiment,  and  so  forth.  He 
was  getting  a  real  increase  in  production  on  a  decreased  operat- 
ing cost.  The  girls  were  getting  higher  wages  and  shorter 
hours. 

This  was  the  best  example  found  to  show  the  effects  of 
decreased  hours  on  production.  In  other  shops  hours  had  not 
been  decreased,  or  production  records  were  not  complete. 

In  addition  to  average  figures  for  an  entire  department, 
individual  records  for  five  experienced  operators  were  ob- 
tained.     These   records   showed,    for   four   weeks    before   the 


change,  average  earnings  of  $11.12.  For  four  weeks  after  the 
change  the  average  earnings  were  $12.96  or  over  16  per  cent 
higher.  And  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  first  month  of 
shorter  hours  generally  means  a  less  gain  than  subsequent 
months. 

The  girls  in  this  shop  are  not  yet  up  to  northern  standards 
of  production  under  an  8  hour  day,  but  some  progress  has 
been  made,  and  this  progress  demonstrably  based  on  the  reduc- 
tion of  hours.  It  may  be  concluded  that  production  in  the 
south  is  not  limited  by  lack  of  intelligent  employes,  so  much  as 
unintelligent  and  inefficient  standards  in  hours,  wages,  etc. 

Indeed,  as  has  been  said,  the  movement  toward  shorter 
hours  is  by  no  means  confined  to  workers.  It  is  very  strong 
among  enlightened  employers  who  have  experienced  its 
benefits.  The  viewpoint  of  such  employers  is  naturally  in- 
dividualistic and  hence  does  not  often  include  a  legal  restric- 
tion of  hours  to  what  they  have  found  most  efficient. 

Reduced  Hours  in  a  Bag  Factory. 

Somewhat  less  conclusive  was  a  study  made  in  a  bag  factory 
which  had  reduced  hours  from  10  to  9  daily.  The  records  of 
19  experienced  employes  were  studied,  13  in  one  department 
and  6  in  another,  for  10  weeks  before  and  10  weeks  after 
the  change. 

Average  output  increased,  in  one  department  7  per  cent, 
and  in  the  other  15  per  cent.  It  is  questionable,  however,  how 
much  of  this  is  due  to  hours;  for  altho  the  nominal  hours 
during  the  first  period  were  10  it  was  only  in  a  few  instances 
that  employes  worked  the  full  10  hours.  Part  of  the  increase 
in  output  must  undoubtedly  be  laid  to  better  attendance. 

Reliable  output  figures  to  show  the  effect  of  reduced  hours 
are  hard  to  secure.  It  seems  strange  that  so  little  self  survey- 
ing is  done  by  individual  employers.  It  is  very  seldom  that 
manufacturers  know  accurately  the  details  of  their  own  pro- 
duction, and  rarer  still  do  they  keep  accurate  records  of  the 
effects  of  a  change  in  methods,  hours,  or  wages.  If  such 
records  were  kept,  the  conclusion  of  the  Divisional  Committee 
on  Industrial  Fatigue  might  well  be  sustained:  "The  great 
preponderance  of  evidence  favors  a  reasonable  short  working 
day,  even  in  the  interests  of  the  industries  themselves. ' ' 

79 


HOURS  AND  INDUSTRIAL  FATIGUE. 
IV. 

Fatigue  During-  a  Working  Day. 

One  of  the  readiest  measures  of  fatigue  is  output.  "Where 
a  girl  is  tired,  her  productive  power  decreases.  Her  motions 
are  slower,  she  is  more  ready  to  take  a  brief  rest,  and  even 
I  he  need  for  the  few  cents  extra  to  be  earned  cannot  speed  her 
fingers. 

Output  has  in  the  preceeding  section  been  used  as  a  measure 
of  fatigue  in  instances  where  working  hours  have  been  reduced. 
Tn  this  section  will  be  described  in  detail  an  analysis  of  the  10 
hour  working  day  to  show  hourly  output,  and  hence  cumulative 
fatigue,  thruout  its  length.  A  falling-off  in  the  output,  when 
not  explicable  by  other  conditions,  indicates  fatigue. 

Here  enters  again  the  distinction  between  hand  and 
machine  work,  mentioned  above.  If  the  machine  regulates  pro- 
duction, this  should  be  fairly  even  thruout  the  working  day. 
If  on  the  other  hand,  the  employe  herself  controls  output,  as  is 
the  case  in  hand  processes  such  as  candy  dipping,  their  pro- 
duction may  fluctuate  considerably. 

It  is  particularly  important  to  study  machine  production, 
since  it  is  here  that  fatigue,  monotony,  and  long  hours  are 
found.  Accordingly  an  instance  was  sought  which  would 
illustrate  the  most  extremely  mechanized  process  in  manufac- 
ture possible  to  study.  It  was  found  in  the  spinning  room  of  a 
cotton  factory.  The  records  of  four  experienced  operators 
were  taken,  for  a  period  of  six  working  days. 

In  this  factory  the  working  day  is  ten  and  one-quarter 
hours  and  on  Saturday  eight  and  one-quarter,  making  a  week 
of  60  hours.  The  machinery  runs  thruout  the  lunch  period, 
and  operatives  frequently  eat  at  their  machines.  Each 
experienced  woman  cares  for  eight  machines,  her  work  consist- 
ing simply  of  starting  them  when  any  break  in  the  material 
causes  a  stop. 

In  this  shop  the  girls  are  required  to  make  up  any  time  lost 
on   account   of  a   general  break-down   of  machinery.     While 

80 


these  are  not  of  frequent  occurrence,  the  average  time  spent 
in  the  shop  exceeds  60  hours  per  week. 

Records  were  taken  at  the  time  of  starting  work,  and  then 
at  intervals  of  one  hour,  except  for  the  noon  period,  which  was 
one  and  one-quarter  hours  long  and  included  besides  whatever 
work  the  employe  might  turn  out  while  at  lunch.  Thus  we  may 
expect  the  noon  record  to  be  at  least  25  per  cent  longer  than 
the  others. 

The  following  table  shows  the  average  hourly  production 
of  the  four  girls  for  each  day,  and  for  the  entire  week.  Each 
girl's  figure  is  a  combination  of  the  eight  machines  on  which 
she  worked. 

Average  Hourly  Production 

Four  Spinning  Room  Operatives 

Louisiana  1919. 

Whole 

•week.  Mon.  Tues.  Wed.        Thurs.  Fri.  Sat. 

Average     50  45  49  52  53  53  52 

1st  hour  44  32  52  45  ....  49  44 

2nd    hour    36  35  31  39  ....  42  31 

3rd  hour   54  56  57  40  57  55  57 

4th   hour   51  38  66  55  54  45  50 

5th  hour   47  50  26  49  53  51  50 

Noon    period    64  51  68  73  56  69  66 

7th  hour   51  51  54  41  59  50  53 

8th  hour   52  41  47  48  58  56  63 

9th   hour    51  57  50  49  52  53 

10th   hour   46  36  43  78  38  36 

This  table  shows  so  many  important  facts  that  it  must  be 
discussed  in  some  detail.  The  most  outstanding  fact  is  that 
hourly  production  fluctuates  (excluding  noon  and  closing 
hours)  over  50  per  cent,  so  that  the  operative  controls  the  out- 
put of  the  machine  to  at  least  that  extent. 

Noon  Hour  Production. 

The  output  during  the  "noon  hour"  period  is  not  closely 
comparable  with  the  others,  since  this  record  covered  one  and 
one-quarter  hours  and  also  any  production  during  the  lunch 
period. 

Indications  are  that  lunch  time  was  used,  in  part  at  least, 
for  working,  on  all  days  except  Monday  and  Thursday.    This 

81 


is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  on  the  other  four  days  production 
at  the  noon  hour  is  25  per  cent  greater  than  normal.  On  Mon- 
day and  Thursday,  on  the  other  hand,  noon  production  is  small, 
which  is  probably  normal. 

On  Wednesday  the  last  hour  in  the  day  shows  an  excep- 
tionally high  record  of  production.  This  cannot  be  normal, 
but  indicates  overtime  on  the  part  of  each  of  the  four  girls. 
The  other  four  days  show  a  pronounced  drop  in  the  last  hour, 
but  the  high  figure  for  Wednesday  brings  up  the  average  for 
the  week. 

The  slightly  higher  figure  for  the  first  morning  hour  is 
probably  due  to  a  slight  margin  of  overtime  also. 

The  average  day,  in  this  shop,  consists  of  a  rise  in  produc- 
tion till  the  third  hour  of  work  and  then  a  fall  till  noon,  with 
a  recovery  in  mid-afternoon.  The  late  afternoon  sees  another 
drop,  this  time  to  a  point  normally  (except  Wednesday)  lower 
than  any  other  point  in  the  progression. 

Fatigue  is  clearly  indicated.  A  50  per  cent  difference  in 
output,  on  work  so  nearly  mechanized  as  spinning,  means  a 
very  large  degree  of  bodily  fatigue.  In  fact  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  highest  normal  hour  (excluding  noon  and  closing 
hours)  produces  over  twice  what  the  lowest  normal  hour  pro- 
duces. 

Now  let  us  see  what  an  8  hour  day  might  produce.  The 
average  day  produces  496  units.  To  produce  as  much  in  8 
hours  each  hour  must  yield  62  units.  A  9  hour  day  must  pro- 
duce 55  units  per  hour. 

This  is  not  impossible,  since  some  hours  do  actually  yield 
that  much  now.  Certainly  shortened  hours,  with  better  main- 
tained output,  would  not  mean  great  hardship  for  this  plant. 

Another  Instance. 

The  above  study  analyzed  a  strongly  mechanized  occupa- 
tion. A  study  was  also  made  of  a  workroom  where  machine 
hemming  was  done,  but  where  the  worker  admittedly  regulated 
production  to  fast  or  slow. 

In  this  factory,  like  the  first,  workers  often  ate  at  their 
machines,  from  which  the  power  was  not  turned  off  at  the 
noon  hour.  Here  also  the  day  was  ten  and  one-quarter  hours. 
The  records  of  13  experienced  operators  were  analyzed. 

82 


Average  Hourly  Production 

Thirteen  Workers,  Hemming  Room 

Louisiana  1919. 

Number  Hemmed.     Percentage  of  Total. 

1st    hour    465  11.9 

2nd    hour    412  10.5 

3rd   hour    404  10.3 

4th    hour    395  10.1 

5th    hour      362  9.2 

Vz     (noon    hour)    218  5.6 

6th    hour    370  9.5 

7th    hour    410  10.5 

8th    hour    378  9.6 

9th    hour    330  8.4 

Vi    hour    closing 172  4.4 

Here  again  it  is  probable  that  the  midday  half  hour's  pro- 
duction indicates  more  than  half  an  hour's  work. 

The  first  hour's  work  is  shown  to  be  unusually  productive. 
This  may  likewise  be  due  to  some  marginal  overtime. 

The  high  points  of  the  day  are  the  early  morning  and  the 
early  afternoon.  Here  output  fluctuates  over  50  per  cent, 
which  compares  very  closely  to  the  proportion  in  the  first 
study  of  this  section.  Fatigue  is  clearly  shown  in  the  fluctuat- 
ing output. 

To  make  as  high  an  output  in  8  hours,  each  hour  would 
have  to  produce  an  average  of  490  units.  Nine  hours  would 
have  to  produce  435  units  each.  Larger  increases  than  these 
have  been  found  to  follow  reduced  hours  in  other  shops. 

In  general,  the  study  of  hourly  production  during  a  work- 
ing day  shows  that  fatigue  plays  a  part  in  a  10  hour  day ;  that 
this  fatigue  is  greatest  in  late  morning  and  afternoon ;  and  that 
fatigue  operates  to  reduce  output  no  matter  whether  the 
occupation  is  highly  mechanized  or  not,  so  long  as  a  human 
operator  is  keeping  the  machine  in  motion. 


HOURS  AND  INDUSTRIAL  FATIGUE. 
IV. 

Climate,  Night  Work,  Etc. 

It  is  frequently  claimed  that  the  climate  of  New  Orleans 
and  most  of  Louisiana,  is  not  conducive  to  great  speed  in 
manufacture.  Inquiry  on  this  subject  was  confined*  to  the 
question  whether  or  not  production  suffers  during  the  summer 
months,  or  time  of  greatest  heat. 

A  more  scientific  and  most  interesting  study  would  be  to 
have  compared  production,  summer  and  winter  in  two  shops 
under  the  same  management  and  identically  the  same  condi- 
tions, one  located  in  the  north,  and  one  in  the  south.  Such  a 
study  was  not  possible. 

It  was  difficult  even  to  compare  production  within  New 
Orleans  in  summer  and  winter,  because  of  frequent  changes 
in  material,  the  entrance  of  the  busy  season,  the  absence  of 
production  records,  etc.  In  many  shops,  such  as  cotton  mills, 
the  material  itself  is  affected  by  the  season.  In  many  others, 
no  comparison  can  be  made,  because  the  material  used  is 
different  at  different  seasons  (e.  g.  clothing  factories). 

There  is  unquestionably  a  widespread  tendency  to  allow 
for  the  heat  of  summer  in  some  way.  The  department  stores 
commonly  have  shorter  hours  schedules  for  the  summer 
months,  and  this  is  true  also  of  many  offices  and  a  few 
factories. 

Most  employers  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  there  was  little 
if  any  reduction  in  output  because  of  summer  heat.  A  cigar 
manufacturer  reported  that  the  summer  months  were  even 
more  productive  than  the  winter  ones,  in  his  establishment. 
This  was  proved  by  records  from  his  shop.  Of  a  group  of  highly 
skilled  operatives,  the  average  wage  for  8  weeks  in  summer 
was  12  per  cent  more  than  8  winter  weeks. 

The  reason  given  the  investigator  was  that  the  light  in 
summer  is  better  so  that  the  girls  could  see  to  work  for  a 
greater  part  of  the  working  day. 

In  a  bag  factory  contrary  results  were  found.  The  winter 
production  for  19  experienced  operatives  averaged  3  per  cent 

84 


higher  than  summer.     So  small  a  difference  as  this,  hoAvever 
is  not  significant. 

A  large  proportion  of  factories  are  equipped  with  some  sort 
of  fan  system,  so  that  some  relief  from  excessive  heat  is 
cbtained.  There  were  so  many  outside  factors  that  no  definite 
conclusions  were  reached.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  thoro 
research  would  discover  that  the  summer  months  tend  to  be 
slightly  more  fatiguing  than  the  winter  ones. 

Night  Work  Detrimental. 

The  case  against  night  work  for  women  scarcely  needs 
proving.  The  working  woman  occupies  much  more  nearly  a 
position  of  homekeeper  so  that  it  becomes  almost  impossible 
for  her  to  secure  enough  rest  in  the  day.  Where  women  are 
concerned,  night  work  generally  means  additional  home  work 
for  a  good  share  of  the  day.    • 

Very  little  night  work  is  now  done  in  New  Orleans  or 
Louisiana.  Up  to  the  end  of  1918,  some  shifts  were  employed 
on  war  emergency  work.  A  law  prohibiting  night  work  would 
affect  comparatively  few  employers,  it  would,  however,  in- 
jure against  any  future  possibility  of  working  women  during 
the  night  hours. 


So 


HOURS  AND  INDUSTRIAL  FATIGUE. 

V. 

Remedies. 

It  has  been  seen  that  the  hours  worked"  by  at  least  5,000 
Louisiana  women  employes  are  up  to  the  legal  maximum ;  that 
-he  long  hour  group  is  poorly  paid,  and  includes  a  large  pro- 
portion of  working  mothers ;  that  legal  standards  concerning 
hours  would  call  for  a  working  day  and  a  working  week 
shorter  than  that  in  effect  in  Louisiana. 

In  instances  where  employers  have  reduced  hours,  a  benefi- 
cial effect  on  output  has  been  shown.  The  10  hour  day  has 
been  shown  to  be  productive  of  considerable  fatigue,  both  in 
mechanical  and  non-mechanized  processes.  The  effect  of 
climate  on  fatigue  has  been  shown  to  vary  with  industries  and 
conditions  within  industries,  so  that  no  clear  or  universal 
tendency  can  be  traced. 

It  remains  to  consider  the  remedies  for  bad  conditions, 
and  the  provisions  making  for  good  and  efficient  working 
hours. 

Defects  in  Existing  Law. 

The  existing  law  concerning  hours  for  women  and  minors 
is  defective  in  a  number  of  particulars. 

First,  as  will  be  discussed  in  another  chapter,  the  hours 
for  minors  should  be  regulated  to  a  lower  maximum. 

Second,  if  hours  over  10  are  bad  for  the  worker,  what 
reason  can  there  be  for  exempting  the  store  clerk  on  Saturday 
nights,  so  that  for  practical  purposes  she  falls  outside  the  law 
altogether?  Merchants  in  other  states  find  it  quite  feasible  to 
shift  the  Saturday  hours  so  that  the  girl  who  stays  till  10  p. 
m.  comes  at  noon  or  even  later. 

Third,  the  law  should  be  so  phrased  as  to  make  a  10  hour 
day  really  mandatory.  At  present  the  phrase  used  is,  "10 
hours  per  day  or  60  hours  per  week."  This  has  been  held  by 
the  courts  to  mean  a  60  hour  week,  so  that  an  employer  may 
work  ten  and  one-quarter  hours  daily,  or  possibly  even  longer, 
so  long  as  he  keeps  the  week  limit  lower  than  60  hours. 

86 


Fourth,  no  maximum  continuous  time  within  which  the 
daily  hours  must  come  is  specified.  This  enables  restaurant 
managers,  for  example,  to  keep  girls  away  from  home  14  or 
16  hours  in  order  to  work  10. 

Fifth,  the  noon  hour  is  not  adequately  protected...  The  laws 
should  specify  that  machinery  should  stop  at  the  noon  hour. 

Sixth,  no  provision  for  night  work  is  included. 

Seventh,  fines  for  violation  may  well  be  made  cumulative, 
i.  e.,  larger  for  second  offense,  etc. 

Eighth,  machinery  for  enforcement  is  defective.  If  the  law 
required  hours  to  be  posted,  and  regarded  presence  of  the 
worker  within  the  work  room  as  prima  facie  evidence  of 
-violation  there  would  not  be  the  present  difficulty  of  inducing 
the  employe  to  testify,  in  spite  of  possible  discharge  for  doing 
so. 

Ninth,  it  would  seem  more  efficient  to  legislate  separately 
for  minors,  hours,  and  welfare ;  so  that  the  law  on  hours  should 
stand  by  itself. 

Tenth,  modern  practice  would  dictate  a  revision  of  time 
limits  as  follows : 

Day  and  week  for  minors — 8  and  48  hours. 

Day  and  week  for  women — 8  and  48  hours. 

Noon  period,  at  least  45  minutes. 

A  Question  for  Legal  Action. 

The  question  of  hours  differs  from  that  of  wages  in  being 
more  clearly  a  matter  for  collective  action  by  society. 

It  is,  of  course,  well  for  individual  employers  to  experiment 
in  establishing  lower  hours,  and  too  much  credit  cannot  be 
given  the  men  with  sufficient  vision  to  take  the  lead  in  this 
direction.  Much  has  also  been  accomplished  in  individual  in- 
stances by  organized  labor. 

By  far  the  most  efficient  method  of  regulating  hours  is  by 
law,  and  hence  it  is  recommended  that  a  law  be  passed  pro- 
viding for  an  8,  or  at  most  a  9  hour  day  for  employed  women. 

The  industrial  welfare  commission,  as  recommended  in  the 
chapter  on  Wages,  should  have  power  not  to  raise,  but  to  reduce 

87 


this  maximum  in  individual  cases.  It  is  important  that  a  flat 
maximum  be  established  by  law,  and  that  any  changes  by  the 
commission  refer  to  a  lowered  maximum  for  particularly 
fatiguing'  work. 

The  denning  of  working  hours  for  all  women  by  a  commis- 
sion is  unsatisfactory,  because  such  a  commission  may  be  in- 
fluenced in  certain  specific  instances,  and  because  in  an  issue 
so  clearly  defined  as  that  of  working  hours,  a  definite  law 
seems  to  be  most  effectual  in  covering  all  cases. 

Indeed,  the  short  hour  movement  has  progressed  so  far 
that  it  is  now  merely  a  question  of  time  before  8  hours  is 
accepted  as  the  standard  working  day  for  all  women  in  in- 
dustry. 


88 


SECTION  FOUR. 


WELFARE  ACTIVITIES. 
I. 

Two  Aspects  of  Welfare. 

Every  employer  can  do  something  for  the  personal  well- 
being  of  his  employes,  even  if  only  by  creating  a  pleasant, 
friendly  atmosphere  in  which  to  work.  Employers  of  large 
establishments  may  do  much  more,  in  establishing  recreation 
and  health  service,  pensions  or  disability  insurance,  rest  rooms, 
iunch  rooms,  libraries,  classes  for  instruction,  and  all  the  multi- 
tudinous activities  which  go  under  the  head  of  "welfare." 

Such  welfare  work  ordinarily  pays.  Most  employers  are 
quick  to  disclaim  any  essential  altruism  in  this  work.  As 
Judge  Elbert  E.  Gary,  head  of  the  U.  S.  Steel  Corporation  has 
said:  "The  better  the  physical  and  moral  conditions  of  the 
employes,  the  better  work  they  render ;  and  the  Corporation, 
♦heir  employer,  relies  upon  the  effective  service  of  the  emloyes. 
So  that  in  dollars  and  cents  it  pays  to  treat  the  employes  as 
they  deserve."  The  U.  S.  Steel  Corporation  expended  for  wel- 
fare, in  1915,  over  six  million  dollars ;  so  that  the  return  must 
have  been  large  indeed  to  justify  the  statement  that  welfare 
work  pays. 

Louisiana  employers  testified  to  the  same  thing  many  times, 
reporting  that  welfare  work  done  ungrudgingly  and  as  the 
employe's  due,  does  actually  pay  in  better  service  and  a  more 
loyal  attitude  on  the  part  of  the  worker. 

There  are,  however,  two  sorts  of  welfare  work,  the  one 
necessary  and  the  other  optional ;  and,  unhappily,  the  one 
hidden  and  the  other  apparent. 

To  illustrate :  an  employer  may  have  failed  to  provide  seats 
of  a  scientific  make,  so  his  workers  are  unable  to  stand  or  sit 
at  will.  He  may  have  his  work  arranged  so  that  his  employes 
must  lift  heavy  weights  repeatedly,  altho  this  might  be  elimi- 
nated by  changes  in  the  work  process,  yet  this  same  employer 
may  establish  a  lunch  room,  or  buy  a  victrola,  or  arrange  to 
give  his  girls  a  library  within  the  shop,  and  by  this  means  seek 

89 


to  compensate  for  his  failure  to  provide  the  fundamentals  of 
welfare.  The  gift  to  the  employes,  costing  far  less,  may  delude 
the  employer  and  the  public  into  thinking  that  conditions  are 
good.  The  "trimmings"  may  hide  from  sight  the  actual  dis- 
comforts behind. 

Such  an  employer  may  finally  wonder  whether  welfare 
work  really  does  pay.  He  will  find  that  his  workers  remain  un- 
convinced of  their  benefits.  They  are  justifiably  impatient  of 
welfare  work  which  leaves  their  real  needs  buried  yet  deeper 
under  a  screen  of  benevolence. 

Fundamentals  Must  Come  First. 

Welfare  work  as  a  camouflage  of  bad  conditions,  will  not 
avail.  The  employer  who  underpays  his  workers,  who  exhausts 
them  with  long  hours,  who  has  no  regard  for  their  comfort  at 
work,  cannot  make  up  by  rest  rooms  ever  so  well  fitted,  or  a 
welfare  worker  ever  so  efficient. 

When  an  employer  is  willing  to  be  fair  in  the  matters  of 
wages,  hours,  and  sanitation,  then  welfare  activities  will  serve 
to  bind  his  workers'  loyalty  more  closely,  and  create  an  even 
better  spirit  of  service  and  production. 

It  is  most  pleasant  to  record  that  a  number  of  such  em- 
ployers, managers  of  both  large  and  small  establishments  were 
found  in  New  Orleans  and  in  Louisiana  outside  of  New  Orleans. 
These  were  the  men  to  whom  welfare  was  a  reality,  and  not 
a  cloak  for  otherwise  poor  conditions. 

Within  the  field  of  "welfare"  there  should  come  first 
matters  of  seating,  lighting,  ventilation,  and  sanitation.  These 
are  the  fundamentals  of  welfare,  and  it  is  these  which  will 
first  be  made  the  subjects  of  discussion. 

Compulsory  Welfare  Provisions. 
In  fact,  so  essential  have  certain  welfare  provisions  come  to 
be  regarded,  that  laws  are  generally  in  force  making  them 
compulsory.  The  employment  of  women  particularly,  it  is  felt, 
should  conform  to  certain  welfare  standards  in  every  shop. 
That  is,  the  woman  worker  is  thought  to  have  a  legal  right  to 
comfortable  and  healthful  surroundings. 

Beyond  these,   of  course,  there  is  a  wide  field   for  the 
employer's  initiative.    The  law  must  inevitably  deal  only  with 

90 


minimum  provisions  which  should  be  present  whether  the 
working  force  be  one  or  a  thousand.  But  with  a  larger  force, 
certain  additional  activities  become  possible  which  the  law 
cannot  and  should  not  make  in  any  way  compulsory. 

Both  forms  of  welfare  are  alike  profitable  to  the  employer, 
when  intelligently  planned  and  administered.  Particularly  is 
this  true  of  the  compulsory  provisions.  The  employe  lifting 
heavy  weights  unnecessarily  expends  much  of  her  energy  in 
this  way  and  so  does  less  work  in  a  day  or  week.  The  employe 
who  is  uncomfortable  in  her  work  cannot  accomplish  so  much 
as  if  her  comfort  were  assured  by  the  conditions  under  which 
she  works. 

Many  shops  and  factories,  north  and  south,  have  discovered 
these  facts  and  have  applied  them.  It  is  because  many  cannot 
or  will  not  see  that  good  conditions  pay,  that  any  legislation 
may  be  necessary. 

Welfare  Legislation  in  Louisiana. 

The  general  act  regulating  the  employment  of  women  and 
children  in  Louisiana  includes  certain  welfare  provisions. 
Among  these  are : 

1.  An  hour  for  lunch  except  that  the  vote  of  two-thirds 
cf  the  employes  may  lower  the  lunch  hour  to  a  minimum  of 
ihirty  minutes. 

2.  Seats  must  be  furnished  in  elevators  and  mercantile 
establishments.  In  factories,  seats  are  to  be  furnished  when 
these  can  be  used  without  interfering  with  the  duties  of  the 
employe. 

3.  Dressing  and  wash  rooms  must  be  provided,  and  also 
toilets  in  ratio  of  one  to  each  25  workers.  All  these  rooms 
shall  be  kept  in  a  cleanly  condition. 

4.  Factories  and  shops  shall  be  painted  or  lime-washed 
when  this  is  deemed  necessary. 

Such  are  the  welfare  provisions  now  existing  in  Louisiana 
laws.     How  are  these  welfare  provisions  enforced? 

1.  A  large  number  of  factories  run  their  machinery  thru- 
out  the  half  hour  allowed  for  lunch.  The  employes  eat  lunch 
at  their  machines,  and  this  period  amounts  to  precisely  nothing 

91 


as  a  rest  or  change  for  the  worker.    This  is  especially  the  case 
in  cotton  mills. 

2.  The  phrase  "without  interfering  with  duties"  makes 
this  provision  void.  In  many  shops  women  are  compelled  to 
stand  at  work  all  day,  altho  it  is  fairly  common  practice  to 
provide  seats. 

3.  Dressing  rooms  are  frequently  lacking,  as  are  wash 
rooms.  So  far  is  the  provision  for  toilets  from  being  enforced, 
that  girls  were  actually  found  in  shops  along  Canal  street,  New 
Orleans,  who  were  compelled  to  go  outside  and  walk  half  a 
block  to  have  access  to  a  toilet.  Equally  bad  conditions  wero 
found  thruout  the  state. 

4.  So  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  no  orders  have  ever  been 
issued   under   this   provision.     The   law    gives   power   to   the 

'health  authorities",  but  these  are  not  charged  with  other 
duties  of  factory  inspection,  and  so  far  not  always  cognizant  of 
the  need  of  cleanliness. 

Even  should  these  laws  be  adequately  enforced,  it  is  open  to 
question  whether  they  meet  the  need  for  welfare  legislation. 
The  state  is  directly  and  vitally  interested  in  the  health  and 
well-being  of  its  women  workers.  It  seems  reasonable,  there- 
fore, first  to  suggest  a  list  of  such  provisions  as  may  well  be 
made  compulsory  by  law.  Following  these  will  be  outlined 
a  welfare  system  for  the  benefit  of  the  employer  who  wishes 
to  go  beyond  merely  legal  standards,  by  providing  for  recrea- 
tion, education,  and  other  activities  among  the  working  body. 


92 


WELFARE  ACTIVITIES. 

n. 

Recommended  Welfare  Legislation. 

The  law  should  provide  minimum  standards  to  insure  as 
far  as  possible  the  comfort  and  health  of  women  at  work. 
Such  standards  however,  are  of  almost  no  benefit  to  workers 
unless  they  are  enforced.  Moreover,  some  discretionary  power 
should  be  given  to  the  agency  of  enforcement,  so  that  condi- 
tions coming  under  the  intent  but  not  the  phrasing  of  the 
law  may  be  corrected,  and  so  that  time  may  be  allowed  in 
cases  where  leniency  might  be  expedient. 

The  recommendation  embracing  all  the  others,  then,  is  that 
the  State  Department  of  Labor  include  a  factory  inspection 
department,  at  least  one  member  of  which  should  be  a  woman, 
and  that  this  department  be  charged  with  the  duty  of  making 
inspections  for  welfare  and  safety  under  the  law;  that  orders 
to  individual  shops  be  issued  by  such  department,  and  that 
these  have  the  force  of  law  with  penalty  for  non-observance. 

Such  a  system  is  now  in  use  in  most  of  the  northern  states 
find  a  number  of  states  in  the  south.  In  Louisiana  it  is  con- 
templated by  present  laws,  but  largely  defeated  by  the  meager 
character  of  legislation,  and  the  paucity  of  support  given  the 
state  department  of  labor.  It  is  impossible  for  thoro  work 
to  be  done  by  a  department  of  labor  in  a  state  the  size  of 
Louisiana,  when  this  department  is  allowed  but  $8,000  an- 
nually for  all  its  functions. 

The  building  inspection  of  the  department  of  labor  should 
be  made  with  reference  to  the  work  of  men  as  well  as  women. 
In  addition,  a  woman  member  should  deal  with  the  problem 
of  women  in  industry  exclusively.  In  a  state  in  which  over 
18,000  women  are  employed  to-day,  it  seems  that  one  state 
supervisor  is  not  too  much  to  suggest. 

These  suggestions  should  in  no  way  be  construed  to  dis- 
parage the  splendid  work  which  has  been  done  by  the  Louisi- 
ana State  Department  of  Labor  and  the  New  Orleans  Depart- 
ment of  Factory  Inspection.  Altho  supported  in  an  entirely 
inadequate  manner,  these  departmnets  have  done  remarkably 

93 


efficient  work.  It  is  impossible  to  state  too  highly  one's  ap- 
preciation of  the  courage  and  faithfulness  of  the  workers  in 
both  these  departments.  Their  efficiency  is  merely  the  promise 
of  what  could  be  done  with  increased  funds  and  legal  support. 
Recommendations  for  legal  standards  must  necessarily  be 
brief.  Fuller  outlines  may  be  obtained  from  the  inspection 
codes  of  states  such  as  Ohio,  Massachusetts,  Wisconsin,  Texas, 
etc. 

1.  Every  shop  shall  contain  washing  facilities,  with  soap 
and  individual  towels  furnished. 

2.  Every  shop  shall  contain  inside  toilets  for  women  work- 
ers, which  shall  be  clean  and  easily  accessible  at  all  times.  One 
toilet  for  25  workers  is  a  minimum. 

3.  "Workroom  floors  shall  be  kept  clean  and  free  from 
dampness. 

4.  Dressing  rooms  and  rest  rooms  shall  be  provided  in 
shops  employing  more  than  ten  women. 

5.  Ventilation  and  lighting  shall  be  adequate  according  to 
modern  standards. 

6.  Every  shop  shall  contain  drinking  facilities,  with  bubble 
fountains  or  individual  cups. 

7.  All  machinery  shall  stop  at  the  noon  hour,  and  workers 
shall  be  given  facilities  for  obtaining  some  hot  food  at  lunch 
time.  The  noon  hour  shall  in  no  case  be  less  than  45  minutes. 
Workers  should  be  discouraged  from  staying  in  work  rooms 
during  the  noon  hour. 

8.  Rest  periods  of  10  minutes  should  be  allowed  in  the 
middle  of  the  forenoon  and  of  the  afternoon,  without  thereby 
increasing  the  length  of  the  working  day. 

9.  Seats  should  be  provided  all  women  workers,  and  seats 
and  tables  so  adjusted  that  women  may  stand  or  sit  as  they 
please.  Seats  should  have  backs  and  footrests  when  neces- 
sary. 

10.  Changes  in  work  process  may  be  recommended,  or  ord- 
ered if  necessary,  to  do  away  with : 

a.  Constant  standing  or  other  posture  causing  physical 
strain. 

b.  Repeated  lifting  of  heavy  weights,  or  other  abnormally 
fatiguing  motions. 

94 


c.  Operation  of  mechanical  devices  requiring  undue 
strength. 

d.  Exposure  to  excessive  heat  or  excessive  cold. 

e.  Exposure  to  dust,  fumes,  or  other  occupational  poisons, 
without  adequate  safeguards  against  disease. 

11.  Uniforms  with  caps  are  desirable  for  health  and  safety 
in  occupations  for  which  machines  are  used  or  in  which  the 
processes  are  dusty.  Comfortable,  low-heeled  shoes  are  also 
highly  desirable  in  occupations  where  much  standing  is  re- 
quired or  where  the  floors  are  apt  to  be  damp,  or  slippery  as  in 
factories  and  restaurants. 

12.  Factory  inspector  shall  have  power  to  make  recommen- 
dations or  issue  orders  on  other  points  covered  by  the  intent 
of  the  law.  Such  orders  shall  require  a  conference  of  the  full 
state  department  of  labor. 

The  foregoing  suggestions  embody  the  essentials  of  health 
and  comfort  provisions  which  may  be  made  compulsory  by  law. 
Others  may  be  added  by  further  study,  and  individual  employ- 
ers may  exceed  these  standards  by  including  many  additional 
activities  in  their  shops.  A  brief  analysis  of  these  additional 
welfare  activities  is  given  in  succeeding  paragraphs. 


95 


WELFARE  ACTIVITIES. 

in. 

A  Welfare  System. 

Each  employer  should  make  it  his  first  concern  to  see  that 
the  fundamentals  of  welfare,  outlined  above,  are  practiced  in 
his  shop. 

But  there  are  many  employers  who  have  done  this  and 
who  wish  to  make  additional  returns  to  their  workers  in  the 
form  of  pleasant  surroundings. 

Such  employers  frequently  asked  survey  workers  for  sug- 
gestions on  lines  of  activity  to  start  in  their  shops.  It  was 
therefore  decided  to  make  this  section,  not  a  mere  report  upon 
welfare  activities  now  found  within  the  city  or  state,  but  an 
outlined  manual  of  suggestions  for  the  use  of  employers. 

Employment  Executive. 

"Where  women  are  employed,"  says  the  pamphlet  of 
Standards  issued  by  the  Women  in  Industry  Service  of  the 
U.  S.  Department  of  Labor,  "a  competent  woman  should  be 
appointed  as  employment  executive  with  responsibility  for 
conditions  affecting  women." 

The  title  of  such  a  woman  varies  with  almost  every  plant. 
She  is  called  variously  welfare  worker,  service  worker,  per- 
sonnel secretary,  attendance  officer,  social  secretary,  matron, 
educational  director,  shop  nurse,  plant  secretary,  and  a  num- 
ber of  other  titles.  Most  employers  seem  somewhat  shy  of  the 
term  "welfare."  It  is  felt  to  connote  charity,  and  so  to  be 
likely  to  alienate  the  sympathy  of  the  workers. 

The  multiplicity  of  other  titles  arises  purely  from  the  multi- 
plicity of  functions  which  the  employment  executive  dis- 
charges. She  is,  in  various  shops,  all  things  from  attendance 
officer  to  social  secretary.  The  story  of  her  possible  or  actual 
duties  is  the  story  of  the  welfare  system. 

Such  a  worker  may  profitably  be  employed  in  any  shop 
where  50  or  more  women  are  found.  In  smaller  shops  she  may 
give  part  of  her  time  to  secretarial  or  other  duties.  About 
fifteen  such  workers  are  now  employed  in  Louisiana  firms. 

96 


As  multitudinous  as  the  titles  of  the  welfare  worker  or  em- 
ployment executive,  are  the  paths  from  which  she  is  recruited 
to  fill  her  place  in  the  shop.  Here  she  is  a  nurse ;  there  a  pro- 
moted operative ;  in  another  shop  a  college  graduate  trained 
in  economics ;  and  in  another  a  mature  woman  trained  in  home 
care  and  family  relationships. 

The  problem  of  finding  suitable  material  for  such  positions 
is  a  grave  one.  Many  colleges  are  now  holding  special  courses 
training  for  this  work.  Many  large  shops  prefer  to  take  an 
untrained  woman,  believing  that  experience  will  fit  her  for  her 
responsibilities.  This  is  merely  an  evidence  of  the  lack  of 
adequately  trained  workers,  and  an  evidence  of  how  far  the 
demand  exceeds  the  supply. 

Many  women  without  special  training  make  splendid^em- 
ployment  executives,  and  yet  training  aids  in  giving  a  broad 
viewpoint  which  is  almost  indispensible.  The  necessity  for 
training,  however,  varies  with  the  willingness  of  the  employer 
to  confer  real  responsibility  on  his  employment  executive. 

For  example,  one  employer  said:  "We  want  a  service 
worker.  We  want  her  to  go  around  and  call  on  our  girls  when 
they  stay  out.  We  want  to  be  sure  they  are  sick.  Then  in 
what  extra  time  she  has  she  can  do  welfare  work  with  the 
girls." 

This  employer's  problem  was  quite  definite.  The  girls  in 
his  shop  had  been  staying  away  on  the  plea  of  sickness.  He 
wanted  to  know  how  much  those  pleas  were  justified, — wanted 
to  know  it  currently.  He  did  not  want  to  pay  the  shop's 
money  for  false  cases  of  illness. 

The  service  worker  in  this  shop  would  have  no  executive 
responsibility  whatever.  She  would  be  nothing  more  than  an 
rttendance  officer.  True,  she  could  do  much  good  "on  the 
side".  She  could  make  suggestions  in  homes  for  sanitation  or 
medical  care.  She  could  endeavor  to  raise  health  standards 
,\mong  the  girls  in  the  shop.  But  all  her  work  would  be 
colored  by  the  fact  that  she  would  be,  so  far  as  the  workers 
were  concerned,  a  truant  officer. 

This  particular  problem  of  attendance  will  be  considered 
later.  Here  it  merely  illustrates  the  fact  that  the  service 
worker  is  not  necessarily  on  a  higher  executive  plane  than 

97 


any  other  worker  in  a  shop.  But  she  must  be  if  the  welfare 
work  is  to  have  the  dignity  and  effectiveness  which  it  should. 

The  service  worker  should  be  in  a  position  of  real  responsi- 
bility. She  should  interview  all  girls  before  they  are  hired  and 
may  well  be  given  complete  charge  of  "hiring  and  firing". 
She  should  be  paid  commensurately  with  the  importance  of 
her  position.  She  should,  in  very  large  shops,  have  one  or  more 
assistants  to  help  discharge  her  duties  effectively. 

Legitimate  responsibilities  of  the  employment  executive  are 
discussed  in  detail  in  the  succeeding  paragraphs. 

Health. 

Health  should  be  assured  first  of  all  by  sanitation,  comfort, 
rest  periods,  etc.,  as  sketched  in  the  legislative  recommenda- 
tions above.  The  welfare  worker  should  study  standards  along 
these  lines,  and  should  consult  with  the  employer  about  putting 
them  into  effect. 

A  first-aid  shelf  should  be  maintained  in  every  shop,  and  a 
hospital  room  may  supplement  this  in  large  establishments. 
Here  the  services  of  a  shop  nurse,  either  for  all  or  part  time, 
or  even  a  shop  doctor,  are  essential.  Such  a  nurse  should 
give  any  help  she  can  in  illness  of  employes,  and  should  advise 
on  sanitation  and  hygiene. 

A  doctor  may  be  secured  to  hold  office  hours  within  the 
shop.  The  girls  should  be  perfectly  free  to  go  to  him  for  advice 
or  prescription  at  any  time.  He  should  see  each  new  employe 
hired  to  give  her  a  brief  examination,  and  to  recommend  any 
changes  in  diet,  habits,  etc.,  which  may  seem  advisable. 

A  few  shops  even  have  a  dentist,  who  does  work  for  the 
employes  either  free  or  at  cost.  Here  again  employes  should 
be  permitted  to  take  full  advantage  of  the  system  if  it  is 
started. 

Ordinarily  nurse  and  doctor  service  are  free  to  the  em- 
ployes. Where  a  dentist  is  secured,  the  ordinary  practice  seems 
to  be  to  charge  the  employe  with  the  bare  cost  of  materials, 
and  a  small  fixed  charge  per  hour,  the  employer  paying  the 
dentist  for  the  time  he  devotes  to  that  shop. 

Where  such  departments  are  maintained,  the  employment 
executive  should  have  charge  of  them,  and  should  explain  their 
advantages  to  individual  workers. 

98 


Some  shops  even  maintain  hospital  beds,  or  pay  the  cost  of 
hospital  service  to  their  employes.  Where  an  accident  is  in- 
volved, this  is,  of  course,  required  by  law.  Where  an  occupa- 
tional disease,  such  as  tuberculosis  in  the  dusty  trades,  is 
present,  this  is  likewise  only  fairness  on  the  employer's  part. 
But  in  other  cases  where  so  much  public  care  is  taken  to 
provide  facilities  for  treating  the  sick,  this  can  only  be  looked 
on  as  charity  and  as  such  hardly  to  be  encouraged. 

The  prime  function  of  the  employment  executive  is  to 
educate  workers  in  healthful  living  thru  precept  and  example. 
They  should  not  be  frightened  by  insistence  on  disease  and 
preparation  for  it.  Rather  should  they  be  trained  in  the  pre- 
vention of  disease,  first,  thru  healthful  shop  conditions  and 
second,  thru  a  healthful  mode  of  living. 

Attendance. 

Closely  allied  with  health,  in  the  employer's  mind,  is 
attendance.  The  need  for  regularity  wars  against  his  desire  to 
allow  for  actual  illness  in  the  working  force. 

Shall  the  employer  pay  employes  for  the  days  lost  on 
account  of  illness?  In  the  higher  paid  positions  this  is 
ordinarily  done.  But  the  low  wage  workers  are  in  even 
greater  need  of  sums  which  might  be  forfeited  if  deductions 
were  made.  It  seems  rather  hard  to  dock  a  girl  for  unavoid- 
able sickness,  especially  if  she  desperately  needs  the  money  for 
subsistence. 

On  the  other  hand,  is  it  safe  to  pay  for  absences?  Workers 
may  quickly  learn  to  ''take  advantage"  by  staying  out  un- 
necessarily. 

Here  enters  the  attendance  officer.  Many  employers  say, 
let  us  pay  for  absences  due  to  illness,  but  let  us  send  a  repre- 
sentative to  make  sure  the  illness  is  real. 

Such  a  solution  may  restrain  some  workers  from  pretend- 
ing illness,  and  drive  others  into  a  more  convincing  pretense. 
But  it  is  a  makeshift  at  best  and  particularly  unhappy  in  that 
it  places  the  service  worker  in  the  position  of  a  truant  officer. 

A  better  solution  would  seem  to  be  that  practised  in  many 
colleges  for  regulating  attendance.  Let  the  employer  find 
out  how  much  employe  absence  he  is  now  actually  paying  for. 

99 


Suppose  it  averages  just  over  a  day  a  mouth  per  employe. 
Let  him  then  announce  that  each  worker  will  be  allowed  a 
maximum  absence  (with  pay)  of  one  day  a  month,  for  ill- 
ness. 

This  will  save  for  the  employer,  even  if  every  employe 
takes  the  time  off,  as  he  has  placed  his  maximum  below  the 
average  actually  paid.  It  will  do  away  with  the  truant  aspect 
of  the  work  of  the  employment  executive  and  so  create  a  better 
attitude  of  the  workers  toward  her. 

Insurance. 

Many  shops  carry  insurance  or  mutual  benefit  plans, 
designed  to  solve  the  health-attendance  problem.  In  one  of 
these  in  New  Orleans  all  employes  contribute  ten  cents  weekly 
to  a  sickness  fund.  This  fund  pays  a  benefit  to  any  employe 
who  is  ill,  with  an  additional  benefit  in  case  of  death.  Mem- 
bership is  semi-cumpulsory.  No  contribution  is  made  by  the 
employer,  but  in  case  the  fund  proves  insufficient  he  makes 
up  the  difference — a  contingency  which  has  happened  but  once 
i:ince  the  fund  was  begun. 

A  plan  such  as  this  takes  care  of  the  attendance  problem, 
and  relieves  the  employer  of  any  necessity  of  paying  salaries 
during  illness  of  employes.  No  argument  against  this  plan 
can  be  advanced,  if  it  is  really  voluntary,  if  it  is  not  used  to 
cover  the  employer's  legitimate  charges  for  accident,  etc.,  and 
]f  the  fund  is  administered  with  intelligence  and  honesty. 

It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  the  employer  would 
seem  to  owe  some  contribution  to  a  fund  like  this,  other  than 
a  mere  guarantee  against  its  insolvency. 

More  complicated  insurance  plans  exist,  in  most  of  which 
the  employer  makes  half  or  more  of  the  financial  contribution. 
Such  plans  will  not  be  described  here  in  detail.  Most  shops 
carrying  them  have  leaflets  of  description  and  these  can 
easily  be  consulted. 

The  employment  executive  may  supervise  the  administra- 
tion of  such  an  insurance  system  and  study  to  make  it  as  help- 
ful as  possible. 

Rest  and  Recreation. 
An  employe's  rest  room  is  often  maintained  in  large  shops, 
particularly  those  of  the  more  "nervous"  industries,  such  as 

100 


department  stores  and  "transportation"  including  telegraph 
and  telephone  companies.  Silence  should  be  maintained  in 
this  room,  which  should  be  fitted  up  as  restfully  as  possible. 

In  shops  where  rest  periods  are  not  in  use,  the  employment 
executive  may  conduct  experiments  on  efficiency,  testing  the 
output  of  a  group  of  employes  with  and  without  a  stated 
rest  period  away  from  the  workroom,  in  forenoon  and  after- 
noon. Such  experiments  made  in  northern  establishments 
indicated  a  beneficial  effect  in  output  of  such  periods. 

Recreation  and  rest  are  closely  allied.  Indeed,  recreation 
is  frequently  the  best  possible  form  of  rest.  The  recreation 
room  of  the  shop  should  be  tastefully  furnished,  with  a 
victrola  or  other  musical  instrument  if  possible,  a  telephone, 
books,  magazines,  and  other  conveniences.  Here  at  rest 
periods,  the  noon  hour,  and  possibly  before  or  after  work,  the 
girls  should  be  encouraged  to  read,  "rest",  play  games,  dance, 
or  otherwise  secure  the  needed  relief  from  their  work.  Too 
many  recreation  rooms  form  show  places  for  visitiors  but  are 
seldom  used  by  employes  themselves. 

The  employment  executive  should  supervise  and  provide 
for  such  recreational  means  and  by  her  attitude  of  cheer  and 
friendliness  induce  the  workers  to  take  full  advantage  of 
facilities  offered. 

Such  work  is  often  looked  upon  as  the  chief  duty  of  the 
"welfare  worker".  If  her  executive  standing  is  conceded,  this 
work  becomes  but  one  phase  of  her  duty,  tho  an  important  one. 

A  centralization  of  recreation  needs  has  been  effected  in 
New  Orleans  by  the  recent  establishment  of  an  Industrial 
Service  Centre,  by  the  War  Work  Council  of  the  National 
Y.  W.  C.  A.  This  is  one  of  a  series  of  centres  which  are  being 
?ocated  in  ten  large  cities,  to  meet  the  needs  of  girls  employed 
in  industry.  They  are  clubs ;  similar  to  those  which  were 
established  in  some  of  the  munition  centres  of  this  country. 
The  one  in  New  Orleans  has  secured  an  attractive  club  house 
providing  many  needed  facilities  such  as  shower  baths,  a  tea 
room,  an  open  air  play  ground,  club  and  reading  rooms.  A 
comprehensive  recreational  program  has  been  started  includ- 
ing basket  ball,  folk  dancing,  games,  etc.  It  is  planned  to 
include  educational  class  work  in  the  program. 

101 


Such  a  centre  fills  a  great  need  where  educational  recrea- 
tion facilities  are  not  provided  by  the  individual  industries. 

Education. 

Far  more  important  are  the  possibilities  of  the  employment 
executives  as  an  educator  of  shop  workers.  In  the  north,  where 
a  large  proportion  of  workers  are  of  foreign  birth,  such  work, 
called  Americanization,  is  one  of  the  features  of  the  welfare 
system.  Employes  are  taught  to  read  and  write  English,  to 
understand  arithmentic,  and  a  few  of  the  fundamental  school 
subjects,  to  become  fairly  proficient  in  domestic  science  and 
art.  In  New  York  city  arrangements  are  frequently  made  by 
which  a  teacher  of  the  public  school  system  is  "loaned"  for 
such  work,  the  employer  paying  part  of  her  salary  and  the  city 
the  remainder. 

Department  stores  very  frequently  train  employes  in  sales- 
manship, in  the  correct  filling  out  of  tickets,  in  textiles  and 
various  other  technical  subjects.  Banks,  telephone  companies, 
and  others  have  regular  courses  of  instruction.  Shops  of  all 
varietie's  have  classes  in  hygiene,  in  diet,  in  English,  and  in 
account-keeping. 

The  educational  department  may  include  a  library  for  the 
use  of  employes.  It  may  issue  a  shop  paper  to  make  notices 
and  circulate  news. 

The  time  of  the  employes  which  such  classes  require  is  and 
should  be  paid  for  by  the  employer.  It  has  been  abundantly 
demonstrated  that  the  intelligent  employe  is  the  efficient 
employe.  This  educational  work  in  many  industries  has  be- 
come a  nation-wide  system,  and  its  value  has  been  proved  on  a 
national  scale.    It  pays  in  returns  and  savings  to  the  employer. 

The  Lunch-Room. 

The  lunch-room  is  perhaps  the  simplest  and  most  obvious 
form  of  welfare  work.  Its  organization  is  of  wide  variation. 
Some  of  the  plans  found  were : 

1.  Room  and  tables  furnished ;  employes  bring  food. 

2.  Arrangements  for  heating  food  also  furnished. 

3.  Hot  coffee,  tea  or  soup  furnished  free  by  factory. 

4.  Meals  sold  at  a  loss,  at  cost,  or  at  a  slight  profit. 

102 


5.  The  " lunch-room  concession"  given  to  an  outside 
woman,  who  managed  the  room  (space  furnished  by  factory) 
sold  the  food,  and  made  what  profit  she  could. 

Several  employers  had  discontinued  lunch  rooms  in  their 
plants. 

Where  all  workers  live  within  easy  walking  distance,  a 
Junch  room  may  be  unnecessary.  Otherwise  it  is  almost 
essential  to  have  a  place  away  from  the  workroom  where  the 
women  may  eat,  and  to  arrange  so  that  they  may  have  some  hot 
food  at  the  noon  period. 

A  suggestion  for  management,  which  has  been  carried  out 
successfully  elsewhere  is  to  let  the  employes,  thru  a  committee 
with  the  co-operation  of  the  employment  executive,  manage  the 
lunch  room,  the  employer  furnishing  space  and  equipment  and 
the  employes  handling  the  matter  of  its  administration.  Then 
any  loss  would  be  made  up  by  raised  prices,  and  any  profit 
would  accrue  to  the  employes  association  as  a  recreation  or 
other  fund,  or  might  even  be  returned  in  the  form  of  cash 
dividends. 

Working'  Conditions. 

It  is  impossible  to  make  a  detailed  outline  of  all  other 
working  conditions  of  which  the  employment  executive  should 
be  cognizant.  Each  shop  is  in  a  way  a  special  problem.  She 
should  familiarize  herself  with  that  problem,  and  also  with 
industrial  theory  in  related  industries,  so  that  she  can  better 
see  what  may  be  done  to  fill  specific  needs. 

The  employment  executive  should  study  literature  on 
fatigue.  She  may  even  make  fatigue  experiments  within  her 
own  shop,  to  determine  whether  shortened  hours  might  prove 
more  effective. 

She  should  make  other  experiments  as  well,  all  based  on 
the  fact  that  the  best  cared  for,  most  intelligent  employe, 
renders  the  best  service.  She  should  constantly  seek  for 
suggestions  and  indications  looking  toward  greater  efficiency 
in  shop  work.  She  should  seek  to  understand  the  entire 
system,  that  she  may  work  more  intelligently. 

Whenever  working  conditions  are  found  poor,  she  should 
work  steadily  toward  changing  them,  and  seek  to  recommend 

103 


ways  and  means.  In  some  shops  the  employment  executive  is 
given  a  definite  appropriation  to  use  in  her  work,  and  this 
action  facilitates  greatly  the  making  of  minor  changes. 

The  Employe  Viewpoint. 

It  may  seem  from  the  foregoing  paragraphs  that  the  posi- 
tion of  employment  executive  is  being  magnified  to  include 
"running  the  shop"  This  is  not  the  intention.  Most  welfare 
workers  either  have  their  hands  full  of  routine,  such  as  atten- 
dance, or  else  have  so  little  real  responsibility  that  their  time 
is  not  filled.  It  is  attempted  here  to  show  that  the  employment 
executive  must  be  a  real  executive  and  that  there  is  work  for 
every  bit  of  her  time  and  energy. 

Some  activities  may  be  stressed  at  one  time,  or  by  one 
type  of  worker,  more  than  others.  For  example,  the  shop 
nurse  will  naturally  occupy  herself  largely  with  health, 
attendance,  etc.  The  woman  trained  in  statistics  will  tend 
toward  special  studies  and  efficiency  work;  while  the  home 
woman  will  stress  recreation,  lunch  room,  and  the  like. 

But  there  is  a  final  consideration  which  should  permeate 
the  work  of  the  employment  executive  no  matter  who  she  is 
or  what  her  training. 

Fundamentally,  the  interests  of  employer  and  workers  are 
one.  It  serves  a  selfish  advantage  that  the  employe  body  be 
contented,  healthy,  energetic.  But  many  employers  are  so  far 
from  the  workers  that  they  fail  to  secure  the  employe's  view- 
point and  so  leave  conditions  unremedied  more  from  lack  of 
thought  than  from  opposition. 

The  employment  executive  must  act  as  attorney  for  the 
workers.  She  must  receive  their  views  sympathetically  and 
make  them  effective  where  this  is  advisable.  She  must  in- 
terpret their  attitude  to  the  employer.  She  must  feel  herself 
the  spokesman  for  the  workers,  and  must  strive  to  make  their 
well-being  coincide  with  the  well-being  of  the  shop  or  factory. 

Much  good  work  along  these  lines  is  now  being  done  in 
Louisiana.    It  is  not  necessary  to  go  into  this  in  detail. 

Every  employer  can  no  doubt  supplement  this  brief  outline 
with  his  own  knowledge  of  welfare  needs.  The  final  service 
possibilities  of  an  intelligent  welfare  system,  headed  by  a 
responsible  executive,  are  as  wide  as  industry  itself. 

104 


SECTION  FIVE. 


SAFETY  IN  WOMEN'S  WORK. 
I. 

Conclusions  and  Recommendations. 

"Risks  from  machinery,  danger  from  fire,  and  exposure  to 
dust,  fumes,  or  other  occupational  hazards  should  be  scrupu- 
lously guarded  against  by  observance  of  standards  in  State  and 
Federal  codes.  First-aid  equipment  should  be  provided.  Fire 
drills  and  other  forms  of  education  of  the  workers  in  the  ob- 
servance of  safety  regulations  should  be  instituted." 

The  above  standards  of  the  Women  in  Industry  Service  of 
the  U.  S.  Department  of  Labor  are  far  from  adequately  ob- 
served in  the  state  of  Louisiana.  Conditions  making  for  acci- 
dents are  not  only  present,  but  actually  seem  to  be  becoming 
more  numerous  from  year  to  year,  if  one  may  judge  by  the 
number  of  accidents  actually  suffered. 

That  work  should  be  made  safe  for  the  worker  is  one  of  the 
most  elementary  principles  in  business  ethics.  Surely  the 
employer  can  do  no  less  than  to  see  that  no  obvious  injury 
results  from  work  in  his  shop,  and  that  all  accidents  which 
occur  are  in  no  way  caused  by  avoidable  conditions. 

Facts  About  Accidents. 

1.  The  number  of  women  and  girls  employed  in  New 
Orleans  has  increased  66  per  cent  within  the  past  five  years 
(1913-1918).  The  number  of  accidents  has  increased  244  per 
cent,  more  than  trebling  in  this  period. 

2.  Like  increases  in  industrial  risk,  in  other  states,  have 
led  to  the  formulating  of  safety  codes  and  the  installing  of 
safety  inspection  to  eliminate  all  risk  possible. 

3.  The  manufacturing  industries  produce  the  highest  per- 
centage of  accidents,  and  among  them  manufactories  of  bags, 
beds,  cans,  cotton,  furniture,  and  tobacco  show  up  as  par- 
ticularly hazardous,  each  having  an  average  of  over  one 
accident  each  year  to  each  five  women  employed. 

105 


4.  A  special  study  shows  that  the  distribution  of  acci- 
dents during  a  working  day  follows  the  curve  of  output,  being 
most  numerous  where  production  is  best,  and  falling  when 
output  slackens. 

5.  The  group  of  workers  receiving  less  than  a  minimum 
wage  for  subsistence  sustains  more  than  twice  as  many  acci- 
dents, in  proportion,  as  the  higher  paid  groups. 

6.  Lack  of  experience  is  a  factor  in  increasing  liability 
to  accident.  The  group  of  employes  with  a  service  record  of 
less  than  six  months  bears  about  50  per  cent  more  than  its 
proportion  of  accidents. 

7.  About  half  of  all  accidents  reported  are  so  slight  as 
not  to  lead  to  any  compensation,  but  88  per  cent  of  accidents 
lead  to  medical  care  of  some  kind. 

8.  An  analysis  of  factors  causing  accidents  shows  that 
a  large  proportion  are  probably  "preventable"  under  safety 
methods. 

Recommendations. 

1.  Complete  and  expert  study  should  be  made  of  safety 
codes  in  use  in  other  states,  and  such  a  code,  applying  to  men 
and  women,  should  be  made  a  part  of  Louisiana  law. 

2.  A  thoro,  adequately  financed  system  of  inspection 
should  be  maintained,  to  enforce  safety  laws  and  formulate 
standards  in  special  cases. 

3.  Such  work  should  be  made  one  of  the  activities  of  the 
Department  of  Labor. 

4.  Individual  employers  should  study  their  own  accident 
records  and  endeavor  to  make  each  accident  impossible  of 
recurrence. 

5.  In  larger  establishments,  shop  committees  on  safety 
may  be  appointed  within  the  working  body,  to  instruct  other 
workers  in  preventing  risk,  and  to  act  as  monitors  to  see  that 
safety  regulations  are  practiced. 


106 


SAFETY  IN  WOMEN'S  WORK. 

n. 

Extent  and  Character  of  Accidents. 

In  1918  there  were  14,175  women  and  girls  employed  in 
the  city  of  New  Orleans,  according  to  the  report  of  the  City 
Factories  Inspector.  Five  years  before  there  were  8,525.  The 
increase  in  the  amount  of  female  employment  has  been  66  per 
cent. 

In  1918  there  were  reported  to  the  same  office  981  industrial 
accidents,  as  against  285  in  1913.  This  is  three  and  one  half 
times  the  earlier  figure,  or  an  increase  of  244  per  cent. 

Why  has  the  accident  rate  increased  so  disproportionately 
during  the  past  five  years? 

Part  of  it  may  be  explained  by  better  reporting,  by  the 
introduction  of  more  hazardous  occupations  such  as  can- 
making,  by  the  replacement  of  men  with  unskilled  women, 
by  the  use  of  new  and  dangerous  machine  processes.  What- 
ever the  main  cause  it  is  certain  that  there  has  been  a  phenomi- 
nal  rise  in  the  accident  rate  during  the  past  five  years. 

In  more  highly  industrialized  states,  compulsory  safety 
devices  and  safety  procedure  within  recent  years  have 
operated  to  reduce  the  accident  rate.  In  Louisiana,  few  or  no 
provisions  of  this  nature  are  made  or  enforced.  The  increase 
in  accident  rate  seems  to  show  that  Louisiana  is  following 
the  same  path  that  other  states  have  trod,  neglecting  to  prevent 
accidents  until  their  toll  becomes  so  high  as  to  be  a  scandal  as 
well  as  a  menace. 

According  to  the  factory  inspector's  report  for  1918,  the 
industries  reporting  the  largest  number  of  accidents  in  pro- 
portion to  the  number  of  women  employed,  are  bag  manufac- 
tories, bed  manufactories,  can  manufactories,  furniture  manu- 
factories, and  tobacco  manufactories.* 

All  these  industries  average  more  than  one  accident  to 
every  five  women  employed,  each  year.  In  general  it  is  in  the 
factories  where  accidents  are  more  frequent.  Department, 
stores,  hotels,  offices  and  like  establishments  have  little  chance 
for  accidents. 


*Thru  outside  figures  the  cotton  mills  should  be  added  to  this  list. 

107 


Most  of  the  larger  employers  in  New  Orleans  and  Louisiana 
carry  accident  insurance  to  cover  their  possible  liability  under 
the  Workmen's  Compensation  Law. 

Character  of  Accidents. 

In  order  to  see  what  working  groups  are  particularly  liable 
to  accidents,  and  what  is  the  character  of  injuries  sustained, 
580  accident  records  from  63  firms  were  studied. 

First  of  all,  accidents  were  analyzed  according  to  the  hour 
of  their  occurrence,  to  determine  whether  fatigue  plays  any 
direct  and  appreciable  part  in  increasing  the  accident  rate. 

Many  investigators  have  sought  to  trace  some  connection 
between  accidents  and  the  hours  of  the  working  day  when 
fatigue  is  greatest.  In  this  attempt  they  have  often  neglected 
to  consider  the  other  factors  entering  into  the  problem,  par- 
ticularly that  of  speed  in  output. 

A  worker  sits  down  at  her  machine  in  the  morning.  She  is 
not  yet  "warmed  up"  to  the  work.  Effort  is  necessary  to 
work  at  all,  and  in  any  event  she  does  not  turn  out  the  product 
with  the  dispatch  to  which  she  will  attain  later  in  the  day. 
Her  machine  moves  more  slowly.  Her  fingers  touch  it  less 
often.  There  is  less  opportunity  for  accident.  Toward  the 
end  of  the  day  the  same  phenomenon  occurs.  With  decreased 
speed  come  fewer  motions  and  hence  less  liability  to  accident. 

It  is  probably  true,  altho  the  fact  has  nowhere  been  demon- 
strated, that  fatigue  increases  the  total  number  of  accidents 
sustained  from  week  to  week.  Thus,  of  two  groups,  one  work- 
ing 48  hours  and  the  other  66  hours  weekly,  it  is  probable  that 
the  second  will  sustain  more  than  one-third  more  accidents 
than  the  first. 

It  is  quite  possible  that  a  working  day  long  enough  to  leave 
the  worker  utterly  exhausted  at  the  end  would  produce  an 
increasing  number  of  accidents  in  its  late  hours.  But  it  is  a 
psychological  fact  that  slight  fatigue,  while  it  tends  to  diminish 
speed,  tends  thru  dulling  the  peripheral  area  of  consciousness 
to  make  concentration  more  easy,  and  hence  to  make  mistakes 
and  false  movements  less  frequent. 

The  detailed  study  of  accidents  showed  the  following  dis- 
tribution thru  the  working  day. 

108 


Time 

7  a.   m.   to      8 

8  a.   m.   to      9 

9  a.   m.   to   10 

10  a.   m.   to   11 

11  a.  m.  to   12 


12  noon  to 
1  p.  m.  to 
p.  m.  to 
p.  m.  to 
p.  m.  to 
p.  m.  to 
p.  m.  to 
p.  m.  to  8 
p.  m.  to  9 
p.  m.  to  10 
p.  m.  to  11 

11   p.   m.   to   12 
Total 


2 
3 
4 
5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 


Occidents  Grouped  by 

Time  of  Day.* 

Louisiana  1919. 

Number 

Per  Cent  of  Tota 

14 

4.2% 

23 

6.8% 

34 

10.1% 

49 

14.6% 

in                            36 

10.7% 

m                            21 

6.3% 

16 

4.8% 

32 

9.5% 

36 

10.7% 

33 

9.8% 

24 

7.1% 

9 

2.7% 

2 

.6% 

1 

.3% 

3 

.9% 

2 

.6% 

1 

.3% 

336 

100. 

*An  accident  at  8  a.  m.  would  come  in  the  second  group ;   at  9,  in  the  third,   etc. 

The  hour  which  is  the  very  most  productive  of  accidents — 
10  to  11  a.  m. — is  also  the  best  hour  for  output.  A  curve  rep- 
resenting the  figures  in  this  table  would  approximate  a  normal 
output  curve.  In  other  words  the  effect  of  fatigue  on  these 
workers  is  to  diminish  both  production  and  liability  to  acci- 
dent. 

Accidents  by  Wage  Groups. 

Far  more  significant  is  the  arrangement  of  accidents  to 
show  in  what  wage  groups  they  fall.  We  know  that  roughly 
12  per  cent  of  workers  are  receiving  under  $6  weekly.  Do 
these  people  sustain  more  than  the  average  number  of 
accidents? 

The  group  of  workers  receiving  less  than  a  living  wage, 
('defined  by  this  survey  as  $6  weekly)  containing  only  12  per 
cent  of  all  Louisiana  women  workers,  sustains  29  per  cent  of 
the  accidents!  The  low  wage  group  is  more  than  twice  as 
liable  to  injury  as  any  other. 

Reasons  for  this  are  not  hard  to  find.  These  workers  have 
the  hardest  and  most  dangerous  labor  to  perform.  They  are 
the  workers  at  machines,  the  cleaners,  the  group  working 
longest  hours.     The  increased  accident  rate  is  simply  another 

109 


evidence  of  the  concentration  of  untoward  conditions  upon  the 
weakest  of  the  industrial  group. 

Inexperience  is  also  a  factor.  But  the  workers  receiving 
under  $6  weekly  are  not  in  all  cases  the  inexperienced.  And 
it  is  to  be  questioned  whether  inexperience,  with  proper  safety 
devices,  should  of  itself  more  than  double  the  accident  rate. 

Workers  receiving  over  $16  weekly,  comprising  9  per  cent 
of  the  total  group,  sustain  but  3  per  cent  of  the  accidents. 
These  are  the  clerical  and  executive  workers,  whose  duties 
have  long  since  removed  them  from  the  field  of  liability. 

Length  of  Service  a  Factor. 

Experience,  as  indicated  by  length  of  service,  does  play 
a  considerable  part  in  the  production  of  accidents.  The  first 
month  in  a  position  is  responsible  for  18  per  cent,  or  nearly 
one-fifth  of  the  accidents ;  the  first  half  year  for  over  half. 

Only  4  per  cent  of  all  accidents  occurred,  according  to 
the  special  study,  when  the  employes  had  been  at  work  for 
five  years  or  more.  However,  as  this  group  includes  but  a 
small  proportion  of  all  workers  studied,  this  finding  is  not 
surprising. 

Nature  of  Accidents. 

The  seriousness  of  accidents  may  be  indicated  by  the 
presence  or  absence  of  compensation,  either  direct  or  in  the 
form  of  medical  attention.  Fifty-eight  per  cent  or  well  over 
half  of  all  accidents  studied,  led  to  no  compensation  whatever. 
Another  40  per  cent  received  compensation  of  less  than  $20; 
while  only  two  out  of  each  100  received  more  than  $20  in  the 
form  of  compensation. 

Assistance  in  the  form  of  medical  fees  is  more  frequent. 
Only  12  per  cent  received  no  medical  care ;  17  per  cent  received 
care  from  a  physician  working  under  contract  from  an  insur- 
ance company ;  while  67  per  cent  received  medical  care, 
amounting  to  less  than  $20  apiece.  The  remaining  4  per  cent 
were  given  medical  service  costing  above  $20  in  each  case. 

A  further  analysis  of  the  causes  and  extent  of  accidents  is 
found  in  the  accompanying  detailed  table. 

The  horizontal  columns  indicate  causes,  and  the  vertical 
columns  show  the  nature  of  injury. 

no 


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111 


The  first  two  lines  have  reference  to  accidents  caused  by 
machine^.  These  comprise  18  per  cent  of  the  total.  These 
are  in  general  the  accidents  which  safety  devices  on  machines 
might  prevent. 

All  accidents,  however,  have  reference  to  possible  safety 
precautions,  except  possibly  a  few  under  "miscellaneous". 
For  example,  a  fall  may  be  caused  by  lack  of  hand  rails,  or  by 
a  floor  too  slippery  for  safety. 

The  diversity  of  accidents  indicates  that  no  one  summary 
rule  will  be  sufficient  to  prevent  all  or  even  the  majority.  In 
the  next  section  will  be  considered  rules  at  present  in  force, 
standards  in  other  states,  and  suggestions  for  safety  activities 
and  legislation. 


112 


SAFETY  IN  WOMEN'S  WORK. 
III. 

Safety  Legislation. 

Safety  legislation  in  Louisiana  is  practically  non-existent. 
The  Commissioner  of  Labor,  in  a  pamphlet  giving  the  gist  of 
state  labor  laws,  mentions  three  having  to  do  with  safety. 
These  are : 

1.  Fire  escapes  are  compulsory  on  buildings  three  or  more 
stories  high  (office  buildings,  four  or  more). 

2.  Elevators,  shafts,  and  other  openings  must  be  safe 
guarded. 

3.  The  use  of  damaged  machinery  or  the  cleaning  of 
machinery  in  motion  is  forbidden.  Exposed  shaftings,  fly 
wheels,  belts,  cogs  or  protruding  set  screws  or  other  dangerous 
attachments  are  forbidden. 

Such  provisions  fail  completely  to  cover  the  need,  as  may 
easily  be  seen  from  the  causes  of  accidents  which  actually  take 
place. 

In  fact,  owing  to  the  multiplicity  of  causes  from  which 
accidents  may  and  do  arise,  the  practice  in  most  states  has 
come  to  be  to  adopt  a  safety  code,  and  to  give  to  the  inspec- 
tional  officers  power  to  issue  orders  for  the  correction  of  con- 
ditions involving  accident  risk. 

Such  an  official  should  be  an  expert,  and  should  regard  it 
as  his  duty  not  merely  to  enforce  laws,  but  to  formulate 
standards  and  see  that  these  standards  are  placed  in  use. 

His  work,  of  course,  would  include  men  as  well  as  women 
workers,  and  in  fact,  men  to  a  much  greater  degree,  as  men 
sustain  by  far  the  majority  of  all  industrial  accidents.  In 
Louisiana,  probably,  90  per  cent  of  all  industrial  accidents 
occur  to  men. 

Methods  in  Other  States. 

In  Ohio,  a  most  complete  system  of  inspection  is  in  use. 
This  work  is  done  by  a  department  of  the  Industrial  Commis- 
sion.  The  state  law  includes  a  full  outline  of  a  safety  code,  but 


the  inspectorial  department  is  empowered  to  make  such  further 
"ulings  as  may  be  necessary  in  the  carrying  out  of  its  duties.* 

Then  value  of  this  department  has  been  proved  conclusively 
by  its  effect  in  reducing  accidents. 

In  New  Jersey,  Massachusetts,  and  a  number  of  other  states 
separate  pamphlets  are  issued  by  the  inspection  department, 
giving  rules  for  particular  industries  or  of  particular  types 
of  machinery. 

In  California,  the  Industrial  Welfare  Commission  may  make 
rulings  concerning  safety  for  women  and  minors  and  thru 
proper  legal  procedure,  make  these  rulings  effective  as  law. 

Safety  for  women  is,  however,  but  a  small  fraction  of  the 
problem.  The  safety  code  should  be  drawn  up  with  special 
reference  to  the  labor  of  men,  and  should  be  a  department  in 
the  State  Department  of  Labor.  Above  all,  this  work  re- 
quires expert  knowledge,  entire  fearlessness  in  enforcing 
orders,  and  sufficient  funds. 

The  Workmen's  Compensation  Act,  as  amended  by  the  leg- 
islature, seems  fairly  adequate.  Here  again  the  problem  is 
one  of  men  workers  primarily  and  of  women  as  an  important 
secondary  factor. 

What  Employer  and  Employe  Can  Do. 

The  employer  can,  and  in  many  instances  does,  meet  the 
purpose  of  a  safety  law  by  making  his  factory  meet  or  exceed 
the  most  rigorous  standard. 

Many  employers  do  not  realize  how  many  accidents  occur 
in  their  shops.  They  must  send  records  of  all  to  the  insurance 
companies  if  they  carry  insurance,  but  once  the  report  is 
made,  the  employer  forgets  that  any  accident  has  taken  place. 

The  insurance  company  seeks  to  minimize  accident  risk 
for  a  financial  reason.  The  employer,  has  the  incentive  of 
lowering  his  premium  through  making  his  shop  safe  for  his 
employes,  but  this  incentive  is  not  sufficient. 

The  employer  should  study  every  accident  occurring  in 
bis  shop,  not  to  lay  responsibility  for  it  upon  the  employe, 
but  to  see  to  it,  no  matter  who  was  to  blame,  that  a  like 


*For   a   complete   example  of   a   safety   and   inspection    code,    write   the   Department 
of  Inspection,   Industrial  Commission  of  Ohio,   Columbus,   Ohio. 

114 


accident  should  not  again  take  place.  He  should  spare  no 
expense  which  may  be  necessary  to  guard  against  a  recur- 
rence. 

The  employe  may  be  brought  into  co-operation  with  such 
a  plan.  Many  large  establishments  have  shop  committees  of 
employes  to  instruct  new  workers  in  the  hazards  of  their  job, 
and  to  act  as  monitors  to  see  that  precautions  are  taken. 

Such  activities  are  most  numerous  among  firms  employing 
large  numbers  of  men,  and  in  dangerous  trades.  But  there  is 
no  reason  why  women  employes  should  not  profit  by  such  an 
arrangement. 


nr> 


SECTION  SIX. 


LABOR  TURNOVER. 
I. 

A  Hypothetical  Case. 

Sally  Jones  started  to  work  by  going  into  the  carding  room 
of  a  cotton  factory.  While  she  was  learning  she  was  paid 
$1.25  a  day,  altho  her  work  was  worth,  at  piece  rates,  less  than 
half  that  sum. 

She  remained  at  the  cotton  mill  for  three  weeks.  Then  she 
decided  she  didn't  like  that  work,  and  she  left  to  go  into  a 
candy  factory,  which  she  thought  might  be  pleasanter  and  less 
strenuous. 

The  candy  factory  palled  on  Sally  at  about  the  time  she 
would  have  been  put  on  piece  rates,  a  change  which  would 
have  reduced  her  pay  about  one-third.  Sally  was  a  bright  girl, 
even  though  she  might  have  been  called  lazy,  and  she  decided 
to  become  a  telephone  operator. 

This  required  the  longest  training  of  all.  Sally  studied 
patiently  and  was  in  a  fair  way  to  become  skilled  in  this 
field.  But  this  time  Fate  intervened  in  the  form  of  a  young 
man.  He  was  able  to  convince  Sally  that  home-keeping  meant 
a  more  congenial  form  of  occupation  than  any  at  stated  wages, 
and  so  she  became  one  more  unit  in  the  list  of  those  leaving 
industry  for  matrimony. 

Now  Sally  Jones  did  not  lose  from  any  of  her  moves  in  the 
industrial  field.  She  never  graduated  into  the  higher-paid 
group  of  workers,  it  is  true.  But  she  usually  had  enough  to 
live  on,  and  it  was  interesting  to  try  her  hand  at  a  number  of 
occupations. 

Her  employers  had  a  different  point  of  view. 

A  Burden  on  Industry. 

The  cotton  mill  in  which  she  first  worked  had  an  annual 
turnover  of  over  200  per  cent.  This  means  that  for  each  100 
girls  employed  200  had  to  be  hired  anew  each  year.    For  every 

116 


girl  staying  ten  years,  there  were  at  least  twenty  others  stay- 
ing less  than  long  enough  to  become  fully  expert. 

Yet  these  short-time  girls  were  earning,  every  one  of  them, 
the  minimum  wage  scale  in  use  by  the  company.  Some  part  of 
their  earning  was  unearned  so  far  as  actural  production  return 
went.  They  were  a  wage  burden  on  production,  and  their 
numbers  meant  an  actual  charge  on  the  workers  who  had 
stayed  longer.  For  with  production  costs  raised  by  numerous 
learners  who  would  not  stay  long  enough  to  use  what  they  had 
learned,  rates  for  all  the  others  must  remain  at  a  lower  level. 

This  must  not  be  construed  as  a  criticism  of  the  practice  of 
paying  a  fixed  wage  to  beginners,  a  practice  which  is  unques- 
tionably a  good  one.  It  simply  aims  to  show  the  burden  on 
industry  caused  by  the  shifting  which  may  take  place  under 
the  best  of  systems. 

In  all  manufacturing  plants  this  problem  of  the  shifting 
of  labor  seems  to  be  a  grave  one.  In  the  laundries,  hotels,  and 
restaurants  turnover  is  even  larger.  Some  laundry  proprietors 
say  they  never  know  from  day  to  day  how  much  of  a  working 
force  they  will  have.  However,  those  occupations,  being  more 
allied  to  housework,  are  less  dependent  on  acquired  skill,  they 
build  on  the  woman's  home  training  in  washing,  cleaning, 
cooking,  etc. 

The  laundries,  hotels,  and  restaurants,  therefore,  are  not 
hampered  by  their  abnormally  high  turnover  to  the  same 
extent  that  a  manufacturing  plant  would  be. 

In  the  department  stores  among,  the  sales  force  the  turn- 
over is  very  low.  In  one  store  in  particular  it  was  found  that 
the  girls  stay  for  years,  very  few  leaving  for  any  cause  what- 
ever. "When  one  considers  the  value  to  a  storekeeper  of  the 
salesgirl  who  knows  her  stock,  who  knows  the  ways  of  the 
store,  and  who  perhaps  has  built  up  a  clientele  of  her  own 
among  customers,  one  is  not  surprised  that  managers  should 
make  every  effort  to  retain  their  working  force  permanently. 

Not  a  Legal  Question. 

The  labor  turnover  is  purely  a  problem  of  the  individual 
shop.  No  employe  can  be  forced  to  work  by  law,  or  to  remain 
in  a  given  job.  For  men,  the  most  the  government  could  do, 
in  its  war  emergency,  was  to  offer  an  alternative — Work  or 

117 


Fight.     For  women,  it  could  only  urge  to  work,  and  counsel 
permanence  in  any  job  undertaken. 

A  Problem  for  Employers. 

What  does  it  cost  to  change  an  employe?  How  much  shift- 
ing is  there,  in  individual  shops  or  industries?  What  are  the 
causes  back  of  this  shifting,  and  to  what  extent  and  how,  have 
they  been  overcome,  or  may  they  be  overcome  through  im- 
proved conditions? 

General  Conclusions. 

Conclusions  of  this  section  are : 

1.  Assuming  that  the  reports  are  of  a  fair  degree  of 
accuracy,  it  may  be  said  that  the  average  turnover  in  New 
Orleans  and  Louisiana  shops  is  from  75  to  100  per  cent 
annually;  in  other  words,  that  the  average  employe  stays  in 
her  job  for  something  over  a  year. 

2.  The  more  poorly  paid  industries,  where  conditions  are 
not  up  to  a  good  standard,  have  the  highest  percentage  of 
turnover. 

3.  Compared  with  the  average  job  tenure  of  men,  or  of 
women  in  northern  states,  the  Louisiana  woman  worker  is  of  a 
good  degree  of  permanence  in  her  job. 

4.  About  half  of  all  employed  women  leave  their  jobs  for 
the  various  personal  considerations  of  sickness,  marriage, 
change  of  residence,  etc. 

5.  Of  those  who  go  on  in  industry  (that  is,  excluding  those 
quitting  the  labor  field)  the  reason  most  operative  is  the  desire 
for  more  pay,  which  accounts  for  29  per  cent  of  all  labor 
"shifting"  among  women. 

6.  A  number  of  remediable  conditions  causing  employes  to 
change  jobs,  can  and  should  be  determined  by  employers  thru 
analysis  of  their  own  turnover. 


118 


LABOR  TURNOVER. 
II. 

The  Extent  of  Labor  Shifting. 

The  study  of  the  labor  turnover  was  perhaps  the  least 
adequate  of  the  entire  survey.  Only  incomplete  data  could 
be  obtained  from  employers  because  few  shops  have  kept 
records  either  of  employes  leaving,  or  of  new  employes  coming 
in,  and  in  almost  no  case  were  complete  turnover  records 
kept.  Employers  data,  therefore,  were  partial,  and  in  many 
eases  were  merely  estimates.  It  is  probable,  however,  that 
turnover  data  are  fairly  accurate  for  industries  as  wholes.  In 
shops  where  estimates  seemed  especially  vague,  or  where  for 
some  other  reason  it  was  feared  statictics  might  be  untrust- 
worthy, no  report  was  taken. 

Employes  were  asked  for  a  record  of  their  working  ex- 
perience, showing  positions  held,  length  of  employment  in 
each,  and  reasons  for  leaving.  But  these  reports  also  are  open 
to  some  question  from  a  strictly  scientific  viewpoint.  The  time 
allotted  to  interview  each  worker  was  short,  and  where  so  little 
opportunity  was  given  for  recalling  past  experience,  it  is 
altogether  likely  that  some  jobs  held,  especially  those  of  short 
duration,  were  omitted  by  employes  in  giving  data. 

This  conclusion,  however,  is  modified  by  the  fact  that 
employers  and  employes  records  seem  to  agree  in  their  average 
for  labor  turnover.  Both  indicate  slightly  over  one  year  as  an 
average  time  of  the  worker  in  the  job.  The  time  as  given  by 
employers  is  slighly  longer  than  that  reported  by  employes. 

It  is  probable  that  both  these  averages  err  somewhat  in  the 
same  direction,  and  that  the  actual  shifting  would  be  found  to 
be  somewhat  in  excess  of  100  per  cent  annually.  This  is 
believed  because  in  practically  every  shop  where  complete 
records  were  kept,  the  turnover  was  found  above  the  estimated 
average. 

But  according  to  the  northern  standards  for  men's  labor, 
a  100  per  cent  turnover  is  considered  fairly  low — far  below  the 
average.  It  is  not  uncommon  for  shops  employing  men  to  have 
a  turnover  of  200  to  400  per  cent. 

119 


One's  first  possible  conclusion,  then,  is  that  Louisiana  work- 
ing women  seem  more  stable  and  less  shifting  than  men, 
according  to  northern  standards ;  that  the  statements  branding 
women's  labor  as  irresponsible  or  temporary  do  not  seem 
justified  by  the  facts ;  that  women  as  a  whole  are  fairly  steady, 
long-term  workers. 

This  is  probably  even  truer  in  peace  times  than  in  the  year 
just  closed,  which  was  used  as  a  basis  for  figures.  All  em- 
ployers report  that  labor  has  shifted  to  an  abnormal  extent 
during  the  war  period. 

How  Industries  Vary. 

It  is  next  to  be  seen  how  industries  compare  in  their  power 
of  holding  the  woman  worker. 


Median  Turnover. 
Louisiana  1919. 


Number 
Industry  Employed 

Total     10,620 

Bag    Manufacturing    354 

Banks    and    Agencies 181 

Can     Manufacturing 434 

Candy    Manufacturing    340 

Cigars    and   Tobacco 1,373 

Clothing     Manufacturing 313 

Cotton    Mills    1,262 

tDomestic    and    Personal    Service 26 

Dry  Goods   2,193 

Food   Manufacturing  798 

Hotels     802 

Laundries     629 

Manufacturing     and     Mechanical,     Miscel- 
laneous             290 

t  Mines     , 26 

Printing     and     Publishing 77 

Professional     Service    76 

Restaurants    168 

Trade,  Miscellaneous  342 

Transportation     936 


*  Data  inadequate. 
t  Outside  of  home, 
t    Clerical   and  restaurant   work. 


Median 

Turnovers 

Louisiana  out- 

New  Orleans 

side  New  Orleans 

75  —  100% 

25 —    50% 

100  —  150 

* 

25 —    50 

50 —    75 

75  —  100 

* 

75  —  100 

* 

50 —    75 

* 

25  —    50 

* 

25  —    50 

* 

0 

* 

50 —     75 

50  —    75 

50  —    75 

50 —    75 

75  —  100 

* 

100  —  150 

100  —  150 

100  —  150 

Under     25 

* 

Under     25 

Under     25 

* 

25—    50 

0 

100  —  150 

25  —    50 

50  —    75 

25  —    50 

25  —    50 

* 

New  Orleans  industries  with  high  percentage  of  turnover 
are  bag  manufactories,  laundries,  restaurants,  and  miscel- 
laneous manufacturing  and  mechanical;  and  in  Louisiana  out- 


120 


side  New  Orleans,  laundries.  The  laundries  and  miscellaneous 
manufacturing  and  mechanical  are  found  to  be  the  low-wage 
industries ;  the  restaurants  are  attractive  to  a  very  independent 
class  of  help.  "With  the  bag  factories  the  reason  is  harder  to 
find ;  it  may  be  in  the  nature  of  the  work  or  working  con- 
ditions. 

Industries  where  no  turnover  is  reported  are  generally  com- 
posed of  a  few  small  shops  where  all  the  girls  have  remained 
for  a  number  of  years.  Only  eighteen  employes,  for  example, 
were  included  in  the  report  for  "professional  service," 
(doctors,  lawyers,  theaters,  etc.)  in  Louisiana  outside  New 
Orleans;  and  a  Yery  small  number  in  "transportation"  in  the 
same  group.  Figures  will,  of  course,  be  found  more  reliable 
the  larger  the  group  for  which  information  was  obtained. 

The  department  stores  in  New  Orleans  have  a  turnover 
below  the  average,  as  have  also  a  large  number  of  other 
industries.  It  is  probable  that  the  figure  for  the  cotton  mills 
would  be  considerably  higher  if  more  accurate  reports  -had 
been  possible. 

Why  the  turnover  in  department  stores  tends  to  be  low  is  an 
interesting  question.  Since  these  stores  are  below  the  average 
in  regard  to  wages  paid,  this  cannot  be  the  determining 
factor. 

The  shortness  of  the  working  hours  undoubtedly  does  play 
a  large  part ;  indeed,  if  pay  be  reckoned  by  hours  instead  of  by 
weeks  it  will  be  found  that  the  department  store  girl  is  earn- 
ing more  in  relation  to  the  time  she  spends,  than  are  her 
sisters  in  mill  and  factory. 

Pleasant  surroundings  and  well  organized  welfare  systems 
operate  to  keep  the  department  store  girl  "permanent"  as  well 
us  the  somewhat  higher  grade  of  culture  in  her  employers  and 
fellow-workers. 

But  probably  among  the  most  operative  of  causes  is  the 
fact  that  her  work  problem  is  a  human  one,  calling  for  little 
refinements  in  dress  and  manner,  and  admitting  of  the  exercise 
of  wit  and  intelligence  to  a  larger  degree  than  can  be  the  case 
in  purely  mechanical  work. 

Moreover,  while  the  average  wage  in  the  department  store 
is  low,  the  maximum  wage  is  very  high,  so  that  a  girl  who  is 

121 


able  and  ambitious  has  far  greater  prospects  in  this  field  than 
in  another. 

There  are,  of  course,  types  of  women  whom  the  department 
store  fails  to  attract.  But  its  appeal  does  tend  to  bring  into  it 
the  girl  whose  interest  is  in  a  permanent  connection  with  one 
establishment. 

According  to  the  statements  of  employes,  the  median  time 
spent  in  a  job  is  slightly  over  one  year.  Their  reports  show 
about  the  same  ranking#of  industries  in  the  degree  of  turnover. 

"The  median  employe,"  according  to  her  own  statement, 
has  spent  about  three  years  in  the  industrial  field.  During 
this  time  she  has  held  two  jobs,  one  for  less  than  a  year,  and 
the  other  for  longer.  She  has  been  in  her  present  position  for 
about  ten  months,  but  her  average  tenure  of  her  former  job  is 
well  over  a  year  in  length. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  2,040  or  nearly  half  of  all 
employes  interviewed,  are  at  present  in  the  same  job  as  when 
they  first  started  to  work. 


122 


LABOR  TURNOVER. 
III. 

Reasons  for  Leaving. 

While  figures  on  the  size  of  labor  turnover  may  be 
estimates,  the  employe's  statement,  or  the  employer's  record, 
on  the  reason  for  leaving,  is  more  accurate,  and  much  more 
significant.  It  behooves  every  large  employer  to  find  out  why 
girls  leave  their  job  in  his  shop.  And  if  he  can  get  accurate 
information,  he  has  a  good  basis  for  reorganization  looking 
toward  a  more  permanent  body  of  workers. 

Three  firms  were  found  where  employers  kept  such  a  record 
of  causes  of  leaving.  These  included  one  bag  company,  one  can 
company,  and  one  telephone  company.  In  each  of  these  firms 
records  were  obtained  covering  periods  of  from  one  to  two 
years,  with  a  total  of  691  employes  leaving  their  jobs. 

In  addition  to  these  records,  reasons  for  leaving  were 
gathered  from  employes  in  the  general  field  study.  Of  these 
3,129  were  from  New  Orleans  and  496  from  Louisiana  outside 
of  New  Orleans,  a  total  of  3,625. 

Causes  for  leaving  were  classified  under  three  main  heads : 
first,  conditions  in  the  shop  making  the  work  distasteful  to  the 
employe  (long  hours,  poor  pay,  hard  work,  etc.)  ;  second, 
personal  considerations  of  the  employe  (marriage,  illness,  home 
duties,  etc.)  ;  and  third,  considerations  making  the  shift  a 
matter  of  the  employer's  initiative,  not  that  of  the  employe 
(discharged,  laid  off,  shop  burned  down,  etc.). 

Employer's  Records — Reasons  for  Leaving. 

It  is  not  possible  to  compare  directly  employer's  and 
employe's  records  on  the  reasons  for  leaving  former  jobs.  All 
the  workers  interviewed  were  still  in  industry  and  so  left  one 
job  for  another  except,  where  in  exceptional  cases,  the  worker 
might  leave  industry  for  marriage  or  some  other  causes  for 
a  period  of  years,  and  then  return  to  work. 

The  employer's  record,  on  the  other  hand,  covers  the 
employes  quitting  the  industrial  field,  as  well  as  those  "shift- 
ing" from  one  job  to  another.     This  will  explain  the  far  larger 

123 


part  played  in  shop  records  by  reasons  such  as  "marriage," 
"illness,"  "home  duties,"  etc. 

Almost  precisely  half  (357)  of  the  employes  leaving  are 
assigned  to  "personal  consideration"  causes  by  employer 
records.  Eighteen  per  cent  have  become  sick;  nine  per  cent 
marry ;  ten  per  cent  have  home  duties ;  another  ten  per  cent 
change  their  residence ;  and  the  remaining  three  per  cent  leave 
for  further  education,  to  work  nearer  home,  or  because  of  a 
personal  dislike  of  emplo3rer  or  fellow-workers. 

Distasteful  shop  conditions  account  for  250,  or  thirty-six 
per  cent  of  the  resignations.  These  are  the  reasons  from  which 
employers  might  gauge  the  attractiveness  of  their  shops  to  the 
working  woman,  and  study  to  eliminate  remediable  factors 
tending  to  drive  away  labor.  And  yet  the  great  majority  of 
these  are  grouped  under  such  vague  heads  as  "dissatisfied," 
"other  employment,"  and  the  like.  "Poor  pay"  is  the  reason 
given  by  a  few.  A  few  dislike  the  hour  schedules,  others 
mention  the  monotony,  the  dust,  the  noise,  the  fumes,  while  a 
number  simply  say  they  don't  like  the  work. 

It  seems  a  pity  that  employers  do  not  secure  "shop  con- 
dition" reasons  in  more  detail  from  the  workers  who  leave. 
In  so  far  as  these  reasons  are  given  honestly  and  intelligently, 
they  offer  to  the  employer  a  fund  of  vital  knowledge. 

The  "employer's  initiative"  in  discharging  or  "laying  off" 
workers  plays  apparently  but  a  small  part  in  accounting  for 
vacancies  in  the  working  force.  Only  14  per  cent  of  workers 
fall  in  this  group.  Of  these,  practically  all  fall  under  the 
heading  of  "discharged."  All  the  others  are  listed  as  "laid 
off". 

Employe's  Reports — Reasons  for  Leaving'. 

Personal  considerations  factor  much  less  often  among  em- 
ployes leaving  one  job  for  another.  Here  only  eighteen  per 
cent  are  found  as  opposed  to  fifty  per  cent  in  employer's 
turnover  records.  The  bulk  of  employe  reported  reasons 
for  leaving — 2,317  or  64  per  cent  come  under  the  head  of  "shop 
conditions". 

The  following  table  shows  the  reasons  for  leaving  as  given 
in  emploj^ers  records  and  employes  interviews  respectively, 
with  their  percentage  of  the  total : 

124 


REASONS  FOR  LEAVING  JOB. 
LOUISIANA,  1919. 


Employe  Reports 
Number.  Per  Cent. 


100 
64 
29 


3 
1 
2 
5 
11 
2 


1 

18 


Employer  Records 

Number.   Per  Cent. 

691  100 

250  36 

22  3 


7 

8 

150 

35 


12 


347 

126 
62 

6 
73 

5 
71 

3 

1 

94 

90 
4 


1 

1 

92 


Total 3,625 

A.  Working     Conditions 2,317 

1.  Poor    pay    1,049 

2.  Lowered    wage    4 

3.  Disliked    piece    work 6 

4.  No   pay   for   overtime 2 

5.  Long   or   bad    hours 121 

6.  Objected  to  night   work 46 

7.  Wanted    Sundays    off 74 

8.  Work   too  hard 187 

9.  To    better    self,    etc 411 

10.  Indefinite     76 

11.  Wanted   steady   work 29 

12.  Didn't    like    work 150 

13.  Not    enough    food..... 2 

14.  Hurt,     accident 9 

15.  Too     strict,     etc 2 

16.  Standing    7 

17.  Disliked  exposure  to  weather  5 

18.  Dust,   Lint  13 

19.  Odor     4 

20.  Dirt    9 

21.  Dangerous   work,   etc 5 

22.  Work  hard  on  eyes 8 

23.  Other  conditions   87 

24.  Bad    treatment .' 3 

25.  Strike     8 

B.  Personal   Considerations   654 

1.  To   be    with    friend,    etc 33 

2.  Sick    218 

3.  Married    85 

4.  Location    of    shop 35 

5.  Changed    residence   174 

6.  Disliked   employer,    etc 26 

7.  Home  conditions  38 

8      For    further    education 14 

9.      Indefinite  5 

10.      Disliked  employes   26 

C.  Employer's   initiative   654 

1.  Trouble  with  employer 80 

2.  Discharged     42 

3.  Laid  off  186 

4.  Position  temporary  101 

5.  Replaced   by   man 7 

6.  Burned   out   10 

7.  Closed    down,    etc 226 

8.  Replaced   by   machinery 2 

It  will  be  seen  at  once  that  the  largest  single  factor  oper- 
ting-  to  make  employes  change  jobs  is  "poor  pay."  This  out- 
weighs even  general  considerations  such  as  "to  better  self," 
etc.  It  is  more  than  twice  as  numerous  as  any  other  reason 
given. 

125 


50 

18 
9 
1 

10 
1 

10 

1 


13 
1 


That  this  should  be  the  fact  is  not  surprising.  Wages  actu- 
ally paid,  and  their  adequacy,  are  discussed  in  detail  in  an- 
other section  of  this  report.  Perhaps  the  only  new  factor  that 
enters  here  is  the  practice,  still  too  common  among  employers, 
of  raising  wages  for  new  employes  while  older  employes,  who 
are  ordinarily  "worth"  more,  are  kept  at  the  old  rates. 

It  is  too  often  the  case  that  a  worker  must  change  jobs  in 
order  to  secure  the  higher  pay  which  new  girls  in  the  same 
shop  are  getting ;  this  is  particularly  true  in  department  stores, 
where  the  employer  will  pay  new  clerks  what  he  must,  but 
will  pass  over  any  requests  for  increases  from  older  and  better 
trained  workers  until,  frequently,  these  are  forced  to  seek  em- 
ployment elsewhere. 

The  first  four  groups  under  A  (Working  Conditions)  in  the 
foregoing  table,  are  concerned  with  dissatisfaction  with  wages. 
The  next  three  apply  to  hours  and  together  account  for  60  per 
cent  of  all  reasons  given.  As  might  be  expected,  this  reason 
is  found  most  operative  among  workers  in  hotels,  laundries, 
and  mills,  who  have  graduated  to  the  short-hour  industries. 

The  other  reasons  under  the  heading  of  "Working  Condi- 
tions,"  except  a  few  which  do  not  admit  of  precise  interpreta- 
tion, are  all  easily  applicable  to  the  individual  shops  concerning 
which  the  statements  were  made.  "Other  Conditions"  include 
complaints  of  monotony,  noise,  heat  too  great,  too  confining, 
too  cold,  too  damp  and  surroundings  unhealthy. 

"Personal  reasons"  need  not  be  considered  at  length.  Some 
might  be  called  avoidable,  others  unavoidable.  Most  of  the 
marriages  mean  taking  the  employe  out  of  work  for  a  term  of 
years  to  return  later  to  the  industrial  field. 

Few  employes  cared  to  state  directly  that  they  had  been 
discharged.  Most  preferred  to  call  it  "laid  off,"  and  others 
camouflaged  it  still  further,  as  "trouble  with  employer,"  "posi- 
tion temporary,"  etc.  However,  reasons  of  this  sort  were  given 
with  a  fair  degree  of  frankness.  This  is  shown  by  the  fact 
that  whereas  employers  report  only  fourteen  per  cent  of  work- 
ers to  have  left  at  the  employer's  initiative,  employe's  records 
show  eighteen  per  cent  in  this  group. 


126 


SECTION  SEVEN. 


SPECIAL  GROUPS. 
I. 

General  Conclusions. 

In  the  field  of  study  which  gathered  facts  thru  interviews 
with  employes  no  attempt  was  made  to  single  out  special  in- 
dividuals or  classes  for  complete  study.  In  each  establishment 
the  attempt  was  made  to  interview  a  representative  proportion 
of  all  women  workers. 

For  example,  in  a  restaurant  it  might  be  the  aim  to  secure 
facts  from  half  the  kitchen  force,  half  the  waitresses,  half  the 
;'bus  girls,"  and  the  same  proportion  of  cashiers  or  book- 
keepers. In  small  shops  (under  15  employes)  all  were  inter- 
viewed, and  in  larger  shops  a  decreasing  proportion  down  to 
one  out  of  three  in  the  largest  shops  visited  (200  or  more  women 
employed). 

Within  a  single  department,  field  workers  were  instructed 
to  take  a  fair  proportion  of  high  and  low  paid  women,  of  old 
and  young,  etc.  It  is  felt  that  the  5,202  women  from  whom 
facts  were  obtained  by  personal  interview,  constituting  as  they 
do  more  than  one-fourth  of  all  women  employed  in  Louisiana 
industry,  offer  a  fair  basis  for  conclusions  concerning  the  entire 
body  of  working  women  in  the  state. 

The  information  collected  from  employers  covered  over 
half  the  Louisiana  employed  women;  but  this  material  did  not 
go  into  detail  on  matters  of  which  no  record  is  ordinarily  kept. 
The  data  from  employes  were  gathered  to  corroberate  and  sup- 
plement the  more  general  study. 

In  the  course  of  gathering  data,  records  were  obtained  from 
a  large  number  of  girls  under  16,  girls  16  to  18  years  of  age, 
and  working  mothers.  It  was  felt  advisable  to  study  these 
records  separately,  since  these  are  the  groups  most  needing 
social  protection. 

No  other  special  study  of  child  labor  was  made,  since  in  all 
but  one  respect  the  Louisiana  Child  Labor  law  meets  the  stand- 
ard of  the  United  States  Government  law,  and  since  the  en- 


*'orcement  of  the  law  appears  adequate.  This  selection  of  rec- 
ords from  minors,  to  throw  light  on  conditions  within  their 
group,  is  merely  a  supplementary  study  made  possible  by  the 
completeness  of  general  data  secured. 

Conclusions  from  the  study  of  minors  are : 

1.  About  4,000  children  14  and  under  16  (boys  and  girls) 
are  employed  in  Louisiana  industry  today. 

2.  In  addition  there  is  a  group  of  about  2,600  girls  16 
and  under  18  years  old. 

3.  These  minor  workers  are  found  most  frequently  in  the 
manufacturing  and  mechanical  occupations  and  industries. 

4.  Their  wages  are  very  low,  falling  frequently  below  a 
bare  living  wage.  Their  hours  are,  in  a  great  proportion  of 
cases  up  to  the  legal  maximum. 

5.  The  child  labor  law  at  present  in  force  seems  adequate 
according  to  United  States  Government  standards,  except  that 
its  maximum  working  hours  are  60,  where  the  government 
names  48  as  the  proper  legal  maximum. 

6.  As  a  large  proportion  of  these  minors  help  support  de- 
pendents, wages  are  in  many  cases  quite  inadequate. 

7.  Protection  for  minor  workers  has  had  the  valuable  in- 
direct result  of  reducing  the  number  of  such  workers  in  the  in- 
dustrial field. 

The  study  of  working  mothers  resulted  in  the  following 
conclusions : 

1.  There  are  about  3,000  mothers  in  Louisiana  industry. 

2.  These  mothers  are  found  for  the  most  part  in  the  least 
desirable  industries  and  occupations,  with  the  lowest  wages, 
longest  hours,  and  poorest  working  conditions. 

3.  Altho  practically  all  these  women  support,  or  help  sup- 
port dependents,  15  per  cent  of  all  wages  fall  below  a  bare 
living  sufficiency  for  an  independent  worker. 

4.  It  is  recommended  that  mothers  pension  legislation  be 
framed,  to  provide  public  means  of  relief  for  needy  mothers 
and  children  who  would  otherwise  not  receive  adequate  care 
A  sample  of  such  a  law  is  quoted. 


1?8 


SPECIAL  GROUPS. 
II. 

Children  Under  18. 

No  child  under  the  age  of  14  may  work  in  a  commercial 
establishment  in  Louisiana.  Between  14  and  16  children  (of 
both  sexes)  must  have  working  certificates  from  a  public  au- 
thority and  boys  as  well  as  girls  are  restricted  to  a  60  hour 
working  week.  Past  the  age  of  16  the  worker  is  without  spe- 
cial legal  protection  as  a  minor. 

The  Federal  Child  Labor  law  passed  by  the  government, 
but  subsequently  set  aside  by  the  Supreme  Court,  includes  a 
number  of  the  same  provisions  as  the  Louisiana  law.  Both 
exempt  children  under  14  from  labor*,  and  both  permit  the 
employment  of  children  of  14  and  under  16  only  if  a  work 
certificate  has  been  issued.  Both  prohibit  night  work,  defined 
as  work  before  the  hour  of  6  a.  m.  or  after  the  hour  of  7  p.  m. 

The  Federal  law  goes  before  Louisiana  standards  in  fixing 
rhe  maximum  hours  of  labor  of  children  at  8  daily  or  48  weekly, 
whereas  Louisiana  allows  60  hours  weekly — its  maximum  also 
for  women  workers.  And  even  this  60  hour  maximum  in  Louis- 
iana is  set  aside  in  the  case  of  stores  on  Saturday  nights ! 

Children  May  Work  60  Hours. 

Thus,  a  14  year  old  girl  under  Louisiana  law  may  work 
from  7  till  12  and  1  till  6  every  day  of  the  week  except  Sun- 
day. And  if  she  is  employed  in  a  department  store,  she  may 
begin  work  at  8  a.  m.,  quit  five  nights  at  6  p.  m.,  and  work 
even  later  on  Saturday  night. 

Of  course,  it  may  be  argued,  most  children  of  14  and  15 
do  not  actually  work  10  hours  a  day.  The  certification  require- 
ment may  keep  large  numbers  of  them  out  of  work,  and  lot 
us  hope,  in  school.  It  is  a  great  step  that  children  13  years 
old  and  younger  have  been  taken  from  the  industrial  arena. 


*This  applies  only  to  'industry."  Agriculture  is  exempted.  The  farmer  may 
work  children  from  infancy  on,  according  to  the  law.  This  exemption  follows  com- 
mon practice,  and  is  based  on  the  extreme  difficulty  of  enforcing  a  chihl  labor  law 
in  agriculture,  the  relatively  short  agricultural  season,   etc. 

129 


Let  us  see  how  many  children  are  now  employed  in  the 
State  of  Louisiana,  and  what  conditions  of  labor  seem  to  be 
theirs. 

Proportion  of  Minors  Employed. 

Survey  field  workers  interviewed  257  girls  under  16  years 
of  age.  This  was  5  per  cent  of  the  total  number  of  women  in- 
terviewed. Applying  this  proportion  to  the  total  number  of 
women  in  industry,  and  estimating  the  number  of  boys  14  to 
16  who  are  now  employed,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  there  are  not 
fewer  than  4,000  children  under  16  years  old,  employed  in 
Louisiana  to-day. 

The  report  of  the  New  Orleans  factory  inspector  for  the 
year  ending  December  31,  1918,  states  that  during  1918  that 
office  issued  2,843  work  certificates  to  New  Orleans  minors. 
Even  considering  the  fact  that  the  war  created  an  emergency, 
this  showing  is  surprisingly  large. 

If  we  turn  to  a  consideration  of  employment  of  girls  16  to 
18  years  of  age,  girls  whom  many  states  find  it  wise  to  pro- 
tect, we  find  a  much  greater  total — 648,  or  12  per  cent  of  the 
total  workers.  This  would  indicate  that  not  fewer  than  2,600 
<>irls  16  to  18,  and  3,600  girls  14  to  18,  are  gainfully  employed 
in  Louisiana  industry  to-day. 

In  what  industries  and  what  occupations  within  industries, 
are  these  minors  employed?  What  types  of  business  find  it 
most  to  their  advantage  to  employ  the  youngest  workers?  The 
following  table  gives  data  : 


130 


Proportion  of  Minors  in  Industry. 
Louisiana,  1919. 

Employes  Employes 

14  and  under  16  16  and  under  18 

years  of  age.  years  of  age. 

Total  Workers  Proportion  Proportion 

Interviewed.  No.  to  total.          No.  to  total. 

Total 5,202  257  5%  648  12% 

Bag    Manufacturing    140  13  9%  22  16% 

Banks    and    Agencies 162  0  ....  8  5% 

Can    Manufacturing    114  4  4%  24  21% 

Candy    Manufacturing    195  17  9%  47  24% 

Cigars    and    Tobacco 495  60  12%  76  15% 

Clothing  Manufacturing  227  13  6%  24  11% 

Cotton   Mills  299  20  7%  31  10% 

Domestic  and  Personal  Service*....         24  0  ....  3  13% 

Dry   Goods   1,002  48  5%  139  14% 

Food  Manufacturing   498  28  6%  69  14% 

Hotels   406  8  2%  25  6% 

Laundries 439  22  5%  56  13% 

Manufacturing   and  Mechanical 276  14  5%  49  18% 

Minest    20  0  ....  4  20% 

Printing  and  Publishing 65  0  ....  11  17% 

Professional    Service   68  0  ....  4  6% 

Restaurants    125  1  1%  8  6% 

Trade      271  7  3%  28  10% 

Transportation   376  2  1%  20  5% 

*Outside   of   homes. 

fClerical  and  restaurant  work. 

Shops  employing  workers  14  to  16  in  a  greater  than  aver- 
age proportion  are  cigars  and  tobacco  manufactories  with  12 
per  cent;  bag  and  candy  manufactories  with  9  per  cent;  cotton 
mills  with  7  per  cent ;  and  clothing  and  food  manufacturing 
with  6  per  cent.  In  general,  it  is  in  the  manufacturing  and 
mechanical  industries  that  the  child  worker  finds  her  readiest 
welcome. 

Banks  and  agencies,  transportation  industries  (including 
telephone  and  telegraph  companies),  professional  service  (doc- 
tors, lawyers,  theatres,  etc.)  and  restaurants  employ  the  small- 
est proportion  of  women  under  18  years  of  age.  In  five  in- 
dustry groups  no  worker  under  16  years  old  was  found.  These 
were  banks  and  agencies,  domestic  and  personal  service,  mines, 
printing  and  publishing,  professional  service. 

A  comparison  of  the  number  of  young  girls  employed  in 
New  Orleans  five  years  ago,  shows  that  at  that  time  11  per  cent, 
as  opposed  to  5  per  cent  at  present,  of  all  women  workers  were 
under  16  years  of  age.* 

*Report  of  City  Factories  Inspector  for  year  ending  December  31,  1913. 

131 


There  is  no  question  but  that  all  the  facts  show  a  hopeful 
tendency  toward  the  elimination  of  the  child  worker.  The 
number  and  proportion  of  girls  under  16  employed  is  about 
two-fifths  that  of  girls  16  and  under  18.  The  employment  of 
girls  16  to  18  is  probably  less  in  proportion  than  at  later  ages, 
.it  would  seem  that  Louisiana  employers  are  realizing  that  im- 
mature labor — cheap  labor— is  the  most  expensive  of  all  in  its 
effect  on  production  costs. 

Hours  and  the  Minor  Worker. 

Let  us  see,  next,  what  hours  of  labor  apply  to  minor 
workers. 

Hours  Worked  by  Children  14  to  18. 
Louisiana,  1919. 

14  and  16  and 

Girls  under  16  Girls  under  18 

Number.  Per  cent.  Number.  Per  cent. 

Total 257                    100  648  100 

Under   43   hours 3                         1  14  2 

43    and   under   49   hours 73                       28  162  25 

49  and  under  55  hours 86                       34  228  35 

55  and  under  61  hours 92                       36  232  36 

61   and  over 3t                      1  12f  2 

tFor  a  full  discussion  of  such  cases,  see  chapter  on  Hours. 

It  is  safe  to  say  that  over  a  third  of  girls  under  18  are  now 
working  a  10  hour  day.  Some  of  these,  but  very  few,  have  a 
Saturday  half  holiday,  so  that  the  week  falls  below  60  hours  in 
length. 

Less  than  a  third  of  these  girls  have  a  working  week  short 
enough  to  be  in  conformity  with  governmental  standards.  Yet 
these  girls  are  to  become  the  mothers  of  the  future.  Their  well- 
being  is  the  well-being  of  the  race.  It  is  a  doubtful  economy 
which  runs  the  risk  of  weakening  a  coming  generation  in  order 
that  young  girls  may  work  as  long  hours  as  may  be  required 
of  them. 

An  indirect  advantage  of  limiting  hours  for  minors,  or  im- 
posing other  restrictions  on  their  employment,  is  that  it  tends 
to  keep  them  out  of  the  industrial  field  altogether.  In  northern 
states,  most  employers  are  loath  to  hire  girls  under  18,  because 
these  must  keep  different  hour  schedules,  and  in  many  cases 

132 


must  have  certificates  and  a  fair  minimum  wage.  Now  that 
labor  is  more  plentiful  than  before  the  armistice,  the  group 
which  should  first  be  eliminated  from  competition  is  that  of 
the  youngest  workers,  and  a  law  restricting  hours  for  minors 
below  the  maximum  for  adults  would  tend  to  accomplish  this 
aim. 

Such  a  law  might  work  hardship  to  girls  under  18  who 
are  in  want  and  to  whom  employment  is  a  necessity.  But  such 
cases  exist  among  children  below  14.  The  theory  of  the  law 
is  that  need  of  employment  does  not  outweigh  need  of  protec- 
tion against  the  burden  of  work.  Such  cases  can  and  should 
be  provided  for  by  public  or  private  charity.  They  do  not 
argue  against  the  general  principle  of  protection. 

Wages  and  Dependents. 

Of  the  workers  14  and  under  16  years  old,  49  per  cent  earn 
less  than  $6  weekly,  49  per  cent  $6  and  under  $11,  and  two 
per  cent  $11  or  over.  That  is,  half  this  group  are  earning  less 
than  a  bare  living  wage  for  an  independent  worker. 

And  yet  over  one-third  of  these  girls  are  actually  contribut- 
ing to  the  support  of  dependents! 

These  figures  are  a  clear  demonstration  of  the  fact  that  the 
minor  worker,  thru  her  need  of  work  and  her  immaturity, 
tends  to  compete  with  the  older  women  to  lower  wages  all 
along  the  line.  For  these  girls  are  occupying  jobs  in  direct 
contact  with  older  women.  Their  acceptance  of  a  low  wage 
does  lower  the  wage  for  their  elder  sisters  entering  the  same 
job.  If  one  class  of  workers  is  to  be  left  at  a  wage  standard 
which  will  not  support  life,  all  other  wages  suffer. 

The  workers  16  and  under  18  years  old  have  somewhat  bet- 
ter conditions.  Here  27  per  cent  receive  under  the  "living 
wage"  of  $6  weekly;  64  per  cent,  $6  and  under  $11;  7  per 
cent,  $11  and  under  $16;  and  2  per  cent,  $16  or  over.  Here 
38  per  cent  have  entire  or  partial  dependents  to  support. 


133 


SPECIAL  GROUPS. 
III. 

Working  Mothers. 

The  most  numerous  of  the  special  groups  under  considera- 
tion is  that  of  the  working  mothers,  including  15  per  cent 
(..f  the  total  number  of  employes  from  whom  facts  were  ob- 
tained individually.  This  proportion  would  indicate  a  total  in 
the  state  of  some  3,000. 

It  is  the  undoubted  fact  that  all  these  women  work  because 
they  must.  Some  proportion  of  them  were  soldiers'  wives,  for 
whom  the  governmental  allotments  (the  equivalent  to  a  weekly 
wage  of  $8  or  more)  were  not  sufficient  support.  But  these 
were  in  the  very  small  minority.  Practically  all  were  either 
heads  of  families,  or  otherwise  not  to  be  classed  as  "emergency 
workers." 

The  total  proportion  of  working  mothers  is  15  per  cent. 
But  in  the  cotton  mills  36  per  cent  of  all  workers  are  mothers, 
in  hotels  29  per  cent,  in  laundries  22  per  cent,  and  in  restau- 
rants 28  per  cent.  In  the  domestic  and  personal  service  occu- 
pation (outside  of  homes,  including  cleaners,  cooks,  etc.),  the 
proportion  is  29  per  cent.  The  other  occupations  are  less  op<m 
to  the  mother  in  industry.  She  is  ordinarily  not  skilled  enough 
for  clerical  work,  nor  young  enough  to  become  a  telephone 
operator ;  so  that  the  better  paid  employments  are  automatical- 
ly closed  to  her. 


i:u 


Working"  Mothers  in  Industry. 
Louisiana,  1919. 

Total  Working  Mothers. 

Industry.                                        Interviewed.  Number.        Per  cent. 

Total 5,202  769  15 

Bag     Manufacturing     140  24  17 

Banks    and    Agencies 162  11  7 

Can  Manufacturing  114  9  8 

Candy  Manufacturing  195  12  6 

Cigars    and    Tobacco 495  70  14 

Clothing   Manufacturing,  227  20  9 

Cotton  Mills 299  109  36 

Domestic  and  Personal  Service* 24  9  37 

Dry   Goods   1,002  92  9 

Food  Manufacturing  498  75  15 

Hotels   406  116  29 

Laundries     439  97"  22 

Manufacturing  and  Mechanical 276  35  13 

Minest    20  3  15 

Printing    and    Publishing 65  4  6 

Professional    Service    68  7  10 

Restaurants    125  35  28 

Trade    271  28  10 

Transportation   376  13  3 

*Outside    of   homes. 

tClerical  and  restaurant  work. 

The  import  of  this  table  to  the  student  of  the  other  chap- 
ters of  this  report  is  clear.  "Working  mothers  are  in  general 
found  in  the  low  wage  industries;  the  long  hour  industries; 
the  industries  with  the  poorest  working  conditions.  Their 
work  is  frequently  of  a  nature  to  require  standing.  They 
press  against  the  slight  margin  of  protection  which  the  law 
now  provides. 

Over  half  these  women  are  widows.  Half  of  them  work 
10  hours  each  day.  Fifteen  per  cent  are  receiving  less  than 
a  bare  living  wage.  And  very  nearly  all  of  them  support  or 
help  support  dependents. 

There  are  two  sorts  of  remedies  for  conditions  such  as  these. 
The  first  treats  the  working  mother  like  any  other  worker,  and 
provides  protection  fully  adequate  to  insure  healthful  work- 
ing hours  and  a  living  wage  for  all.  The  second  is  society's 
acknowledgment  of  the  public  obligation  toward  the  mothers 
of  the  race. 

Mothers  Pension. 

A  number  of  states  have  met  the  problem  of  the  working 
mother,  whose  possible  income- cannot  in  all  cases  be  adequate 

135 


to  insure  support  and  healthful  care  for  herself  and  her  chil- 
dren, by  enacting  mothers  pension  laws. 

Such  laws,  of  course,  apply  equally  to  the  mother  in  the 
home  or  in  the  shop,  and  so  perhaps  they  are  outside  the  direct 
field  of  this  study.  Yet  with  several  hundred  Louisiana  work- 
ing mothers  receiving  less  than  a  bare  living  wage  for  them- 
selves alone,  it  becomes  advisable  to  discuss  remedies  even  out- 
side the  industrial  field. 

In  one  county  in  Nebraska,  the  mothers  pension  law  is  pro- 
viding for  878  children  who  otherwise  must  grow  up  destitute 
or  dependent  on  private  charity.  The  Texas  act  provides  pen- 
sions for  widows  only.  In  Nebraska,  Oregon,  and  several 
other  states,  pensions  are  granted  to  deserted  or  divorced 
wives,  or  families  where  the  husband  is  incapacitated  for 
earning. 

The  Nebraska  act  is  quoted  here  as  an  example  of  a  moth- 
ers pension  law. 

AN   ACT  to  provide   Pensions   for  Mothers  or   Guardians  of   Dependent  or   Neglected 

Children;   and  to  declare  an  Emergency. 
Be   It  Enacted,  by  the  People  of  the   State  of  Nebraska : 

Section  1.  That  hereafter,  when  a  petition  is  filed  in  the  county  court  of  any 
county  in  the  state,  properly  verified  by  any  person,  stating  that  the  said  person  is 
the  parent  of  any  child  or  children;  that  all  of  said  persons  are  and  have  been 
for  two  years  last  past  actual  residents  of  the  State  of  Nebraska  and  residents  of 
the  county  where  the  petition  is  filed  for  at  least  one  year  last  past;  that  such  resi- 
dence was  not  acquired  with  the  intention  of  applying  for  relief  under  this  act; 
and  that  such  child  or  children  are  liable  to  become  dependent  or  neglected,  that  the 
petitioner  is  trying  to  maintain  a  home,  that -by  reason  of  limited  means  said  person 
is  not  able  to  properly  care  for,  maintain  and  educate  said  child  or  children,  the 
county  judge  shall  try  and  determine  the  matters  contained  in  the  said  petition. 
Provided,  that  no  such  hearing  shall  be  had  except  in  the  presence  of  the  county 
attorney  of  the  county  wherein  the  petitioner  resides,  which  county  attorney  shall 
appear  and  represent  said  county  in  said  matter.  Provided,  further,  in  counties 
having  more  than  fifty  thousand  inhabitants  at  the  last  general  census,  the  said  peti- 
tion shall  be  filed  and  the  hearing  had  in  the  district  court  of  the  county. 

Section  2.  If  upon  the  hearing  of  said  petition,  the  court  finds  the  allegations 
thereof  are  true,  and  that  the  petitioner  is  poor  and  unable  to  properly  care  for  such 
child  or  children,  but  otherwise  is  a  proper  guardian  and  that  it  is  for  the  welfare 
of  the  child  or  children  to  remain  at  home  under  the  guardianship  of  their  mother, 
or  guardian,  the  court  may  make  an  order  finding  such  facts  and  fixing  the  amount 
of  money  necessary  to  enable  the  petitioner  to  properly  care  for  such  child  or  children, 
and  thereupon  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  court  to  certify  his  finding  to  the  Board 
of  Supervisors  or  Commissioners  and  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  said  Board  to  pay  to 
the  petitioner  the  amount  so  specified  therein  for  the  benefit  of  said  petitioner  until 
the  further  order  of  the  court.  Provided,  not  more  than  $10.00  per  month  shall  be 
allowed  for  the  care  of  each  child.  Provided,  further,  no  such  order  shall  be  effective 
for  more  than  six  months,  unless  renewed  by  the  court  at  or  after  the  expiration  of 
that  period.     All  payments  are  to  be  made  from  the  general  fund  of  the  county. 

Section  3.  The  Hoard  of  Supervisors  or  Commissioners  of  each  county  at  the 
time   of    making    an    estimate    of    the    amount    necessary    to    pay    the    running    expenses 

136 


THE  LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORi 
LC 


of  the  county,  shall  take  into  consideration  an  estimate  of  the  amount  necessary  to 
carry  this  act  into  operation  and  the  same  shall  be  included  in  the  said  estimate, 
levied  and  collected  as  other  taxes  and  all  sums  of  money  paid  out  under  the  pro- 
visions of  this  act,  shall  be  appropriated  from  the  general  fund  of  the  county.  And 
:.n  any  county  where  the  maximum  levy  has  been  reached  said  county  board  or  com- 
missioners shall  have  the  authority  to  make  a  special  levy  to  provide  for  said  funds. 
Section  4.  Whereas,  an  emergency  exists,  this  act  shall  take  effect  immediately 
upon  its  passage  and  approval. 

Approved  by  the  Governor, 

March  18,   1915,  at  3  o'clock  P.  M. 


137 


APPENDIX. 

Form  A  questionnaire  used  in  collecting  data  from  employes. 
Form  B  questionnaire  used  in  collecting  data  from  employers. 


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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 

Los  Angeles 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


Z  ry  1981 


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